The Leader from Wichita, Kansas • 3

3 Tiie Leader, Thursday, August 23, 1888 A DAILY PAPER. A SPIRITED APPEAL. HAIL TO THE CHIEF. GEN. CLINTON B.

FISK ACCEPTS THE LEADERSHIP OF OUR PARTY. Every Club hould Have Its Own Banner. Arrangements have been completed with Mil. H. S.

BRIGHAM, Tiie Most Efficient Autistic Sign Whiter in Kansas, to furnish on Short Notice banners of any style, ranging in price from One Dollar up to any amount. Send to Tiie Leader at once the matter you want on your Banner, (which should he only a few words,) and the amount of mon ey you want to expend, and we will get np just what will suit you. $5 will get up a very nice Banner out of good, substantial material not silk. If you want a tine Banner confer with us and we will give you prices. Address The Leader, Topeka, amas.

applied until this theory of 'protection Is tested to the point of prohibition upon all foreign products such as are produced by our own people. Then if there shall remain a surplus, rather than touch the protective system they will take this trafflo out of prison and bonds and turn it loose upon a helpless publio to corrupt, degrade and destroy society. The Prohibitionist would take this arch criminal out of prison to hang him, the Republican to sot him at liberty. The one would repeal the tax the sooner to destroy the traffic. The other would overflow the country with free whisky rather than injure the already subsidized Interests of the country.

In the face of these Indisputable facts every Christian and patriot will approve the motive prompting the one and denounce tho other as the consummation of human selfishness and infamy. A proper protection of American labor and the infant industries of our country may and does commend itself to the majority of our people, but of infinitely more importance is the protection of our homes. To this end your platform justly subordinates all other questions. Society, the state and the church are built upon the home. From the homes of this country must come the future statesmen by whom the policy of the future state will be framed.

The financial rain wrought by the great liquor trusts is incomparably greater than any evils to result from a surplus in the treasury, inequalities in the tariff, and the robberies of all other trusts combined. I pause not to speak of the traffic in liquors as an instrument of moral and political corruption. The saloon is the school in which the ignorant population of all sections of the Union receive their political training. To this class of citizens the saloon takes the place of the church and the school house. It is to them the home, the school and the political club house.

In view of the vast ignorance still existing among the freedmen of the south, and the immense hosts of ignorant people now being poured upon our shores from Europe, the thoughtful patriot trembles when he remembers that the American saloon Btands ready to educate these people in the interest of all vice. I cannot too greatly emphasize the wisdom of your convention in making prohibition of the liquor traffic the one great test of fellowship in the Prohibition party. I would not detract from the relative importance of other questions formulated in the platform, such as civil service reform, polygamy, trusts, and especially the great question of suffrage, but am firmly of the opinion that with prohibition attained we shall the more readily correct all other existing wrongs. I cannot close this communication without an expression of gratitude to the brave women who have so nobly espoused our cause and who so earnestly contend for its triumph. The solution of the suffrage question announced in the platform is in my judgment most wise.

If our institutions are preserved we must commit them to the moral and educated citizens of the republic. The extension of the franchise to the educated citizens of all classes and tho withholding of the ballot from the immoral and ignorant is the only proper and practicable solution of the great problem. Deeply conscious of tho high honor conferred upon me, I am, sir, most respectfully yours, John A. Brooks. the multlpllcatlonTable.

AhcTlhey must realize that the swift way to reduce the surplus is to end the national policy of revenue from liquor; that the right way is to end it by declaring the manufacture, importation, transportation and sale thereof publio crimes against good government, and by prohibiting and punishing them as such. The Prohibition partys "chief concern is for the purity of the homo and tho virtue and sobriety of the people. It asserted this, in plain and unmistakable terms, at Indianapolis; and it further plainly said that "the burdens of taxation should be removed from food, clothing and other necessaries of life. It is today the only avowed and consistent party ally which the home and labor have, for it would make the blessings of home cheap, and remove altogether its curses; it would bring labor to sobriety, and Insure em ployment; it would keep the factories busy to clothe labor, the farms active to feed it, and would give to our whole industrial system the impetus of a prosperity never yet known, and never possible till the saloons are put away. That party is not labors truest friend which would bar the importation of paupers from abroad or close the tariff door of competition to pauperize foreign industry, and then by a liquor system perpetuate the manufacture of paupers and criminals in our own midst, with whom honest labor must compete, and whom largely honest labor must support.

I shall bear with glad and reverent hands the onlyparty standard on which is inscribed, For God, and Home and Native Land; the only standard of the only party which recognizes God as the source of government, and would defend his holy day from desecration; which is the guardian of home's best interests ana defender of the nation through these, and which, burying the dead past of sectional strife ana bitterness, would build a living future on the sure basis of sober mauhood, and pure womanhood, and untainted youth, for all our united country. It was my privilege to aid In the good work of restoring peace and goodly fellowship and in assisting to establish industrial relations under the new order of things at the south, after war had swept bare so large an area of our national heritage; and I hold no other service of my life of such account as that which brought order, and the return of property, and the rights of protected labor, to a large region prostrated by the arbitrament of arms. And now, when more than twenty years have passed, and the last sword of rebellion has been beaten into the plowshare of loyal peace, and a new south knowing no other than the Union flag rejoices in the nation's "new birth of freedom. I count it the truest glory of patriotism to lead where men of the south and men of tho north alike may follow, black as well as white, with equal faith in the national reform to be achieved, with equal fidelity to the Union we would protect from its only remaining foes. And I rejoico that, standing on the platform so well framed at Indianapolis, which so admirably recognizes other great principles than this of Prohibition declaring, as we do declare, that citizenship "rests on no men circumstance of race, color, sex or nationality," and affirming, as we always shall affirm, the full rights of citizenship for all, standing ever, as we must, for tho defense of the wenk and the oppressed; we can and do assert that Prohibition is the dominant issue in national politics, and we can and do "Invite to full party fellowship all who on this one dominant issue are with us agreed, believing that as we settle this broad question for the right so shall we best conserve the welfare of our entire nation and of every class within it, so shall we make certain tho wise and rdv settlement of every lesser ques-lnvolved and arising, so shall we prove ourselves Christian patriots, and ordain the perpetuity of this Christian republic.

Faithfully yours, Clinton B. Fisk. ip. t. -vLisrnsriaiE, Real Estate Jp Loan Office, 933 Kansas Avenue, Topeka.

We call attention to the following list, in which we offer special inducements for Investors and Home Seekers 1 Well located, inside lots, at low cash prices, and easy terms, 2 Building Loans on inside lots. 8 Loans on good Pity Property. 4 Loans on good Farm Property. 5 Special Bargains in good Town Lots, well located, on Rapid Transit Railroad, for good unincumbered farms. 8 The very best Suburban Property lying adjoining the City of Topeka in which compaN atively small investments will realize large dividends A11 Business Communications will receive prompt attention.

PROHIBITION ARSENAL. Red Hot Shot tor the Holy War! There is Nothing that will reach the Heart of the Enemy in this Great War More Surely or Quickly than these Pointed Shots that can be Appropriated on the Wing." PttiCE, Assorted, 100, 15 Cents; 1,000, One Dollak. One Worker Writes: uWe use the LEADER Shot to Great Profit. Every Worker has a Supply and One is Handed to Every Man Regardless of Ilis Political Complexion and One Put into Every Letter Written." Sample Shots. DR.

BROOKS ACCEPTS THE NOMINATION FOR VICE PRESIDENT. The Party of Prohibition a Party of Progress Triumph Moans the End of Sectional Strife No Color Line No Solid South A Sober Union of States. To non. John P. St.

John, Chairman: Dear Sir To be nominated by such a body as the Indianapolis convention is the greatest honor that could bo conferred upon an American citizen. The supreme importance of the issues formulated by that convention, the consciousness that God is on the side of right and that the salvation of the home and the state depends upon the triumph of right principles, impel me to accept tho nomination now formally tendered. With this acceptance I propose to do all I can to carry your banner to victory in this campaign if possible, and if not, to help lay the foundation upon which that victory shall be achieved in tho near future. It is with confidence and pride that I stand upon the platform which yon have presented. No such honest and manly formulation of principles has emanated from any political convention in tills republic since the late civil war.

With a firm and vigorous purpose it grasps the living issues of the day. Recognizing the necessity of progress, it leaves the dead past to bury its dead and boldly leads in its attack upon existing evils. It does not sadly bemoan the fact that its great loaders are In tho grave and seek to live upon the deeds of the immortal dead, but with its banners to the breeze, inspired by present truth and following living captains, dares to do right. Accepting as final the settlement of past political issues, it inscribes upon Its banners tho motto of no sectionalism in politics and scorns to bemean the party by an ignoble and unpatriotic appeal to sectional animosities that ought to have been abandoned twenty years ago. This platform makes its appeal not to one section, but to the whole country now forever united.

I cannot overestimate the patriotism of this wonderful document. The triumph of its principles means the end of sectional strife, the blotting out of the color line in politics, the breaking of the solid south, a free ballot and honest count, not in Alabama and Mississippi alone, but in Ohio and Michigan as well. In short, it means a division of all the citizens of the entire country upon the great living issues of our day. When it is remembered that all other political organizations are incapable of accomplishing such results, tho importance of this new departure in political action cannot he overestimated. The ponding conflict between organized capital and labor is one of tho most imminent dangers to which tho republic is exposed.

That an abnormal condition of society exists, and one, too, that is dangerous to public welfare, will not be dollied. Each party platform proclaims tho fact. The farmer and wageworker continue with difficulty tho unequal conflict for just remuneration, while combined capital with ease accumulates its millions. With each succeeding year the former becomes poorer, while tho latter increases in wealth. Monopoly and so called trusts control not only the business of the country in their own Interests, but political parties and conventions ns well.

Dominating these conventions, they un ite in denouncing tho very combinations of capital in whose interest they are members of these bodies, and then see that nono but their friends are nominated to stand upon the platform adopted. Your platform of principles boldly proposes to regulate all necessary combinations of capital Jn the interest of the state and to strike down all these trusts at a singlo blow. I have faith in a political party which without reference to present success proposes to build its fortunes upon principle, whether tho end shall be consummated in one year or twenty. A party of truth and principle must inevitably triumph. Time has demonstrated that neither of the old parties is competent to effect these results.

Repeated promises have been broken. The legislation that makes possible this combination of capital to the detriment of tho public good, and in the interest of a limited class of our citizens, is radically defective. We need not be surprised that the tariff should elicit some consideration in this campaign. When tho import tax upon any given article approximates the point of prohibition, and foreign competition is shut off, the trust can certainly tho more readily control the markot value of the product. It is a matter of serious consideration that tho trusts are against a wholesome revision of the tariff.

Each year increases the danger, and hence the growing demand for an honest revision of the tariff. What is the remedy? Shall internal revenue taxes he abolished and duties upon all articles, such as are produced by our peoplo, bo increased to the point of prohibition, and other articles except luxuries bo released from import duties? Or secondly, shall the internal revenue remain, while duties upon necessaries of life shall be reduced, and tho revenues he raised from other articles of importation? Or finally, shall the internal tax he abolished, and the burden of taxation bo removed from food and clothing, and other necessaries and be imposed on other articles of Import, in such manner as will give Erotection alike to the manufacturer and iborer? Party issues are now before the people as formulated by the final authorities in such cases the three great national conventions. Senators and representatives may conclude that their party conventions have made great blunders in their official utterances, and may seek to modify the same by congressional action, hut the country will hold each party to its platform. That the solution proposed by the Prohibition party is the wisest of tho three, I do not hesitate to declare. First, must avoid an ever increasing surplus in tho treasury and all unnecessary taxation must he lifted from tho shoulders of the peoplo.

Tho surplus is a perpetual menace, not only to the business of the country, but to the publio morals tsji ,11. The question as to the propriety of removing the tax from whisky must depend altogether upon the purposo intended to be accomplished by such removal. Upon the principle that it is a public enemy, legislatures have placed it under bonds and penalties and courts have declared It a public nuisance. The traffic itself, conscious of its own infamy, pleads its right to sxistence upon the ground of its recognition by the government and the revenues it pays into the publio treasury. Cons ions that this is its last defense, it entrenches itself behind federal and stato taxation.

Strike down this defense and an outraged public would not long suffer 1t3 continuance. Two political parties demand in their platforms the abrogation of the federal tax. But upon what ground do they base their action? The Prohibition party would strike off the tax that it may the sooner destroy the traffic. It would not have the government to he a copartner in profits wrung from the vices of its citizens. The purpose of the Republican party in the repeal of the tax is to reduce the revenues that they may not have to surrender any part of our protective system.

Indeed, the proposed remedy Js not tob SHALL WE HAVE ONE? WE CAN IF EVEEY PROHIBITIONIST WILL ACT NOW. A big fight is on our hands; the old parties are everywhere provided with Daily Papers and we need the same facilities to refute lies constantly put in circulation and to give the people daily doses of pure unadulterated prohibition truths, flow, shall we have the paper? We propose to issue an edition of THE LEADER DAILY, (Sunday excepted,) one-half the size of the weekly, from September 10 to November 17, provided we can secure before the first of September 2,000 SUBSCRIBERS. It will be a penny paper sixty numbers for 60 cents. A MID-DAY SHEET. The paper will be printed as a mid-dajr sheet and will be mailed in time for the trains leaving Topeka at noon, so that all places on the direct railroads within 200 miles of Topeka will receive the paper on the day of publication, and all other places on the following morning.

Now, if every person receiving a MARKED COPY of this pA-par will send in at least one name for the daily, the work is done. The money to be sent as soon as announcement is made that the 2,000 subscriptions are received. The daily will in no way interfere with the weekly Leader; it will be published just the same. NOW is the time for Prohibitionists to show the mettle of their pasture. If you put off action on this matter even a few days it will be too late.

Send names hy return mail. Read the appeal of our prospective governor, Elder Botkin. Address, The Leader, Topeka, Kansas. TOPEKA RAILROAD TIME TABLE. Atchison, Topeka Santa Fe Rall-.

road WEST. CALIFORNIA AND MEXICO EXPRESS This train runs via. Ottawa. Passengers toCntitornia points leave Topeka via. Denver and Utah express.

COLORADO EXPRESS (MAIL). Arrives from Kansas City 12:01 a. m. Ai rives from Atchison 11-50 p. m.

Leaves for west and south. 12:05 a. m. DENVER AND UTAH EXPRESS (FAST MAIL.) Arrives from Kansas City 1 :35 P- m- Leaves for Pueblo 1:55 p. m.

LOCAL PASSENGER. Arrives from Kansas City 12:10 p. m. Leaves for Galveston 12:30 p. m.

OSAGE CITY EXPRESS Arrives from Kansas City 7:30 m. Leaves for Osage City 7 P- m- EAST. NEW YORK EXPRESS (MAIL.) Arrives from the west 4:05 a. m. Leaves for Kansas City 4:15 a- m.

Leaves for Atchison a- m- EASTERN EXPRESS (MAIL.) Arrive from Pueblo 2:30 p. m. Leaves for Kansas City 2:50 p. m. LOCAL PASSENGER Arrives from Dodge City 12-25 p.

m. Leaves for Kansas City 12:45 P- m- KANSAS Crl EXPRESS. Arrives from Osage City 6:55 a. m. Leaves for Kansas City 7:00 a.

m. Leavenworth, Topeka Si Southwestern Railroad. EXPRESS. Arrives from Leavenworth 1 1:3 p. m.

Leaves for Leavenworth 2:55 p. m. ACCOMMODATION. Arrives from Leavenworth 7:50 p. m.

Leaves for Leavenworth 7:,5 a- m- Kansas. Nebraska Dakota Railroad. FORT SCOTT AND GALVESTON EXPRESS. Leaves for Fort Scott p. m.

Arrives from Foit Scott m. FORT SCOTT ACCOMMODATION. Arrives from Fort Scott 6:30 p. m. Leaves for F'ort Scott 6:30 a.

m. Union Pacific Railroad. wamego and Kansas city accommodation Arrives from Wamego at 6:50 a. jn. Leaves Topeka at 7:, a- m- Arrives at Topeka at 6:50 p.

m. Leaves for Wamego at 7:, P- ni. PACIFIC EXPRESS (THE CYCLONE.) Arrives from Kansas City at m. Leaves for Denver at 12:30 p. m.

ATLANTIC EXPRESS (THE CYCLONE.) Leaves for Karsas City 2:55 p. m. Emigrants earried on Denver and Eastern express. EASTERN EXPRESS. Leaves for Kansas City at 3:5 a- m- WESTERN EXPRESS.

Leaves for Denver at 12:01 a. m. Chicago, Kansas Nebraska Railway I Rock Island Route Going West. For Peabody, Wichita, Peck, Vrellington, Caldwell, McPherson, Hutchinson, Pratt, Greensburg, Meade Center, Dodge City, Liberal, Manhattan, Clay Center, Belleville, Mankato, Smith Center, Phillipsburg and Norton. No.

From Arrives. Leaves. 1, Mail Ex. St. Jo.

12:35 P- m- ,2:55 P- m- 1, Mail Ex. K. m. 12:55 P- m-3, Mail Ex. St.

Jo.u;25 p. m. 1 135 p. m. 3, Mail Ex.

K. 1 1:15 p. m. 11:35 p. m.

Ilorton accommodation arrives .8:30 p. m. Going East. For St. Joseph, Kansas City, Chicago, St.

Louis, New York and Boston. jlo. For Arrives. Leaves. 2, Mail Ex.

St. 3:40 p. m. 3:55 p. m.

2, Mail Ex. K. C. .3:40 p. m.

3:45 p. m. 4, Mail Ex. St. 4:10 a.

m. 4:20 a ni. 4, Mail Ex. K. 4:10 a.

m. 4:25 a. m. Ilorton accommodation arrives. .7:40 a.

m. Note Passengers lor points in Nebraska should take the Horton accommodation, leaving at 70 a. connecting at Ilorton Junction at 11:30 with mail and express on northwest lines. Passengers desiring to take the first train out of the city in the evening for Wichita, Wellington, Caldwell, Hutchinson, Pratt and Greensburg should take train No. 3, at ,1:35 p.m.

New Pullman sleepers are attached to this train running through to the points named, 2 hours and 35 minutes in ad vance of other lines a fact worth remembering. New chair cats on all trains between Topeka and Kansas City; on day trains between Topeka and Caldwell, and on night trains between Topeka and Greensburg. Train No. 2 leaving at 3540 p. has a new Pullman sleeper attached.

Tuning through to Chicago, arriving there at 1130 next morning. Depot corner First and Kansas Avenue. City Ticket Office, 601 Kansas Avenue, Corner of Sixth Street. T. J.

Anderson, General gent. Jno. Sebastian, G. T. P.

A. vs. Old Parties. A Document Worthy of the Soldier-Statesman Reform the State Tlio First Con cent of Good Government Prohibition by the Prohibition Tarty Labor' Ally. Hon.

John P. St. John, Chairman: My Dear Sir With a grateful sense of the honor conferred upon me by the Prohibition party, at its late national con-ventlon, and with equal appreciation of the responsibilities involved therein, 1 accept the nomination which I did not seek, and which I earnestly desired should pass me by, and with God's help will bear our standard of Prohibition as best I can through this presidential campaign. And thus formally responding to the formal notification received at your hands, It is fit and proper that I add some further words. Within a few years the temperance re-form has altogether changed front.

In the great conflict which has been, and is yet waging, temperance forces no longer face human appetite and habit alone; they oppose legislation, law, the purpose of political parties, the policy of state and nation. What law creates, law alone can kill. The creature of law, the saloon, the liquor traffic, can die only at laws hand, or the hand of law's executor. Conceived in avaricious iniquity, born of sinful legislative wedlock, the licensed saloon, the legalized liquor traffic, bastard child of a civilization professing purity and virtue, must be strangled by the civilization which begot it, or that civilization must go forever branded with the scarlet letter of its shame. It is not enough that we reform the individual; we must reform the state.

The policy of great commonwealths, of a whole people, must be remade, and put in Jiarmony with sound economic principles, the true co-operation of industrial effort, the essential conditions of national prosperity and genuine brotherhood of man. So broad a demand as this can be met in but one way. It has been well said: "A political reform can become a fact in government only through a political party that administers government. A reform so vast as this we advocate, involving such radical changes in state and national policy, is utterly dependent for its agitation and consummation upon some party agent or force. To give it success, to make it Indeed and indisputably a fact, that party force or agent must be in full accord with the reform, and must have in itself the power of successful achievement apart from those elements and influences alien to the reform.

No party which is made public administrator by the enemies of temperance, or which owes the election of its candidates to saloon Influences, can ever establish pro-hltion as a binding fact in government anywhere. The national Democratic party in its platform utters no word in condemnation of the greatest foe to the republic, the liquor traffic. That party having steadfastly, in its utterances at national conventions, maintained its allegiance to the American saloon, it was no disappointment to any one that at St. Louis, in 1888, it reaffirmed its old position on this, the greatest question now being debated among men. It was with great reluctance that I accepted these conclusions and came to admit the imperative need of a new party, while yet the party of my old choice, the national Republican party, maintained its organization.

I had followed with pride and patriotic love that partys flag, while above it floated the starry banner for which so many brave patriots fell. I had seen that party establish as a fact in government one political reform dear to me from boyhood, a boon to millions in bondage and a glory to us all. A long, long time I waited, against conviction and the loglo of political event, hoping that my old party would take up this old reform with changed front and new conditions, and make it also the fact so many millions craved and for which they pleaded before men and God. It cost me the sacrifice of cherished associations, when four years ago I enrolled myself in the ranks of party Prohibitionists, under the flag of Prohibition, bleached snowy white by the tears of smitten women and children through generations of sorrow and want. I have seen no hour of regret.

Every day since then has shown yet more clearly the logic of my course, and the inevitable truth of mv conclusions. In Michigan, in Texas, in Tennessee and Oregon, so called non-partisan efforts to establish Prohibition have failed, through partisan necessity, born of liquor elements in old party composition. In Iowa, Rhode Island and Maine, the laws have been shamelessly defied for like reason. The entire trend of things, these last four years, has proved hopeless the broader range of pro-nlbltlon effect non-partisan means, and equally futile, as a final consummation, the narrower methods of local option and high license; while from the supreme court Itself has come, with startling emphasis, a declaration so nationalizing this reform that it can never be made of local or state limitation again. No lines of territorial wish or will can hereafter bar the liquor traffic, and Its fearful brood, while by national policy that trafflo is recognized as legitimate, and while under that policy the national government derives revenue therefrom.

"The first concern of good government, said the recent national Republican convention at Chicago, "is the virtue and sobriety of the people, and the purity of the home. Revenue, then, Is not governments chief concern, whether coming from Internal taxation or from a tariff on importations; and any source of revenue which discounts "the virtue and the sobriety of the people" and begets Impurity in the home, should be the first object assailed by every party professing to seek good government; while the revenue derived from such a source should be the first to be foresworn not alternatively, for sake of a protective tariff, but positively, for sake of protection dearer and more vital than the tariff can ever yield. Had I not left the Republican party four years ago, I should be compelled to leave it now, when, after reading the words I have quoted, from a resolution supplemental to but not included in its platform, and finding in these words my own idea of governments 0 chief concern set forth, I search the long platform through in vain io find condemnation of the saloon, or hint of purpose to assail it, or any sign of moral consciousness that the saloon is a curse, and its income too unholy for the nation to share. -s If the "chief concern has no place in a partys platform and a party has no policy as to that "chief concern," that party does not deserva the support of men who love good government and would see it maintained. The Republican party knows today, and knew at Chicago In June, that the public surplus, which in 1884 It declared dangerous and then proposed to reduce, cornea about SO per cent, of it from a source more dangerous than the surplus the liquor traffic.

When the greatest Republican statesman declared In 1883 that "it la better to tax whisky than farms and homesteads and shops, he knew, as he and his colleagues know now, that to tax whisky is to tax farms aqd homesteads and shops, pinbe It is always these which pay the tax; that nine-tenths of the surplus represents want in the home, impurity in the home Ufa, crime on the street, paralysis in the shop and an impaired demand for the products of the farm. These men must know tfrese things, for these things plain aa shot No, 3. The churches The Republican and Democratic parties have both, by word or action, or by both, declared in favor of the whisky traffic. All the prominent chnrches have declared against it. The board of Bishops of the M.

E. Church The liquor traffic is so pernicious in all its bearings, so inimical to the interests of honest trade, so repugnant to the moral sense, so injurious to the peace and order of society, so hurtful to the homes, to the church and to the body Beware, ye Christian Voter, how you trifile with your rights, lest ye be found fighting against God. Shot No- lO. Is it right to build churches to save men and license shops that destroy them? Is it right to license a man to sell that which will make a man drunk and then punish a man for being drunk? Is it right to license a man to make paupers and then tax soljer men to take care of them? Is it right to license a drink shop to teach vice and then lux people for aohuols to teach virtue? Is it right to derive a uvt line out of a traffic which no decent man defend? Is it right to teach your boy not to drink and then vote to license a place where he may be taught to diink? Is It Price per hundred 15 cents; per thousand Shot No- it- Read these questions npon your knees and ask the God yon profess to serve to help yon to answer them aright: Will He hold you guiltless of using your ballot to help a party that abets a system flis church condemns? Have you a moral right to uphold a party that upholds a trade that is crowding hell with lost spirits? Is it right to preach salvation to men and vote damnation to them? Can you conscientiously use your political self your ballot to serve a sinful system and then Christians, Read and Reflect. politic, and so utterly antagonistic to all that Is precious in life, that the only proper attitude towaid it for Christians is that of relentless hostility.

It can never be legalized without sin. No temporary device for regulating it can become a substitute for prohibition. License, high or low, is vicious in principle, and powerless as a remedy." The Presbyterian, Baptist, Christian, United Brethren, and many others declare the same thing. Right? Is it right to teach your boy to be honest, and then vote to license a place where he may be taught to gamble? Is it right to teach a boy to restrain his passions, and then voto to license a place where hie worst passions will be inflamed? Is it right to take care of your own boy, and vote to license a place which will rain yoor neighbor's boy? Is it right to preach justice and charity, and then vote to license a thing which robe the widows and orphans of their bread? Is it right for yoa to go to the polls and vote without having studied this question serionslf and carefull) SI. Address Thi LxDEk, Topeka, Kane.

plead my party before God aa an excuse for the wrong it does? When God called yon into his service did he tell yon to nse your tongue to praise him and yonr ballot to crucify him? If yon vote with either of the old parties, all hell will hurrah every time you are found preaching the funeral sermon over the remains of the drunken or rum-murdered dead. Through your ballot his blood is upon your skirts. Dare yon cast a ballot that saloon men and gamblers indorse and holy women condemn? The Issue $1. Address The Lxadeb, Topeka, Kans. National Sprees.

the Republican convention and its friends. To carry the calculation a step farther; the profit of Chicago saloon keepers on the convention Milwaukee beer, allowing a profit per barrel of $12 it $750,000. The Democratic convention drank nearly as mnch in proportion to the time it continued. And these are the men who shape the destinies of a nation of 60,000.000 people! Shall we let these national debauchee longer dominate this Christian nation? No, never. They have been weighed in the balance and found wanting, and, like the saloon, they mutt go $1.

Address The Lxadih, Topeka, Kant. Methodist or Republican, Which? The Republican party is overwhelmingly in favor of high license. From New York Tribune, March 14, 1888. High license is high crime! He who votes for a license party votes to sustain the liquor traffic. Christians should not permit themselves to be controlled by party organizations that are managed in the interest of the liquor traffic.

It can never be legalized without sin. Methodist Episcopal General Conference, 1888. Good Advice. Young men, dont pitch your tent in tho graveyard of dead issues. James A.

Garfield. All other issues before the American pceplo dwindle into insignificance compared to the issues involved in the great temperance question. Henry Wilson. A million votes for the Prohibition ticket in 1888 means only two parties in 1803, divided on the issue: The home vs. tho saloon." A Sad Snub.

On the whole, the worst snub yet administered to Boutelle for his absurd temperance and morality (alias catnip tea) tag to tho Republican platform is given by the Rev. Dr. Storrs, when he calls it a general commonplace sentence approving temperance and morality, to which everybody outside of a jail or an asylum must say amen. Teaching Future Citizen. One of the strongest scientific temperance instruction bills ever enacted has lately received the signature of the gov-ernor of Louisiana.

Thirty-six states and territories, embracing over three-fourths of the entire school population of the United States, now have temperance education laws. More White Ribbons. Mrs. Jennie F. Willing, the first president of tho W.

C. T. has declared for the Prohibition party. Mrs. Maggie Van Cott, the well known revivalist, will also support our ticket, and will take the platform during tho campaign.

God bless the women. The Republican Ticket. For head of the administration, James G. Blaine, the greatest living statesman. Err care-taker of the White House, B.

Harrison. Tree Every Time. When a laboring man undertakes to support a family and a saloon at the same time, the saloon will grow rich and the family noor. Star. 1 People Fay the Rill.

The resident in Chicago cannot have failed to notice that grocery, meat, market, cigar store, news stand, hardware store, all pass away at some street number, and finaUy the saloon comes to stay. To judge by appearances, no business is so permanent or safe in a commercial way as a dram shop. This dram shop nsnally employs three people. It is a loafing Jlace for at least three other non-workers, that saloon were blotted ont, six men would he driven from a parasitical life, and the tenement would be devoted to tho public use rather than to the destruction of public peace, capital and comfort. Whenever legitimate business gives way to a saloon, the householder who works every day, making something of absolute nse, may condnde that a fresh demand Is to be assessed on bis Income, both In public taxes qud in private foray.

And the saloon will stand as an addltlonsl temptation to that same householder, alluring him to the betrayal of family and personal character. The industrial situation and the open doors of Immigration are to blame for an Increase of Involuntary idlers. It may be that the saloon offers a haven to these unfortunates. It may be that the saloon is less to blame than the age which so cordially indorses and sup- Eorts the dram shop. Bat the house-older who works every day should note the fact that the pnblie peys all the bills.

The saloon building ami tho time of all Its Inmates are wastes. Tho publio fund feeds all hands Chicago Herald 0ad.) FOR AND AGAINST. A Republican Journal Favors Submission, but Opposes Prohibition. The Minneapolis Journal (Rep.) says: The senate committee on education has reported favorably the proposition to submit to the people of the various states a constitutional amendment to prohibit tho liquor traffic in the United States. Certainly.

Why not? There is no doubt a strong feeling in favor of submission outside of the number who would vote for the amendment. What is to be said against submission? Why should tho adopted, but to deny the opportunity to decide thav question is not to dispose of it, but only to intensify the clamor for submission. Let tho report of the committee be adopted ud tho amendment submitted. A Few Hints. Now is the time for the most effective Prohibition work.

Catch people bofore the old party politicians yoke them up to their old chariots. Every W. C. T. U.

supporter should know that tho Republican candidate for president, Gon. Harrison, when asked by a member of the union in his own btate to sign the petition asking the legislature to give them a scientific temperance law for public schools, refused to do so. Democrats will have to decido this year which they love best, Grover Cleveland or their hoys. Those who love Cleveland best will remain in the Democratic party and vote that ticket. Those who love their boys best will join the Prohibition party and vote that ticket.

New Era. The real issue of the campaign now opening is no protective tariff, nor is it tariff reform. It is a struggle which must decide for or against the continued existence of the gigantic brewing and distiU-ing interests, with all the multiform industries depending upon them. SoutV West (saloon organ). Politics In the Pulpit We quote the following chunk of wisdom from a Presbyterian The Interior, and we respectfully submit it to those who are anxious on the point referred to: "The time is near at hand, if it is not already upon us, when thousands of men who never attend church, and never manifest at other times any zeal for religion, will be exercised in their minds lest ministers of the gospel should injure their reputation and the cause they represent by preaching politics.

What the word politics means these zealous friends of religion and the ministry are generally unable to state very clearly when called upon for a definition. The nearest they can come to it is that it Is something opposed to their own opinions. The real truth about this matter seems to be that In these especially social, civil and religious matters so overlap and interpenetrate each other that it often seems Impossible to discuss the latter as the pul- Sit probably should do if it does its whole uty, without trenching more or less upon one or both of the former. To an intelligent reader of the New Testament it does not appear altogether certain that the 6avlor himself did not sometimes shock his enemies by more than touching social and political questions, and when we turn back to the Old Testament there can be no donbt as to what the old prophets did. Keeping all these things In view, may wa not conclude to leave the whole matter to the conscientious convictions of duty entertained by every minister of the gospel?" The Evangelist Price per hundred, 15 cents; per thousand Shot No-12.

A special telegram from Milwaukee to the Chicago Inter Ocean, dated June 22, says, Great quantities of Milwaukee beer found its way to Chicago during the week, a single brewery shipping in one day thirty-five car loads by one road. It is said that the aggregate shipments of the week from Milwaukee to Chicago was 500 car loads more than the shipments for the week previous, and reckoning 125 barrels as a car load, the total extra amount of Milwankee beer con snmed in Chicago equals 62,500 barrels or quarts. At per barrel, the wholesale price to the brewers, $500,000 represents the money in the pockets of Milwaukee brewers on account of Two Great Price per hundred, 15 cents; per thonsand LEADER COMBS. These consist of more extended Arguments, Comparisons, Statistics, etc. Each Bomb consists of four pages designed for heavier warfare: to break down the stronger fortifications and breastworks of the enemy.

Quite a number of these will be prepared. Price of Bombs. Single Hundred, Assorted 40 cents Per Thousand, Assorted NOTE WBLLI Every Prohibitionist should be well provided with these Shots, Shells and Bombs far free distribution. Remember that the Shots, Shells and Bombs are three different sorts of Prohibition ammunition, aid in ordering specify which you want, and if you want any special one of either, specify by number. Send for a full supply.

The cash must accompany the rder. Address THE LEADER, Topeka, UMI..