The National Socialist from Girard, Kansas • 3

1 Monthly THE NATIONAL SOCIALIST June, 1914 Subscription Price, 2J Cents' a Year WOULD WORK IN RURAL DISTRICT PublUhedANDA SUGGESTIONS. Four More Good Ones Ricardo's Theory of Rent sublime truths of Socialism will be learned and espoused. The old Farmer's alliance plan of organization was as perfect as can be made, was self sustaining and far reaching. They had two men to go over a' county one to go from house to house making a date for a lecture at a trate their efforts. This would not necessarily deprive other deserving papers of support but might insure at least one larger and better paper in each state.

Proper restraint and control to prevent the paper endorsed by the state, executive committee from becoming a personal ally of any particular individual or clique could be had by a limited space for "public forum" articles and especially for rebuttal of any particular argument or article that might arouse opposition. Most Socialist publications usually have a considerable number of readers who are quick to contribute in opposition to or in support of questions advocated. Other satisfactory checks could no doubt be arranged. This idea of the party organization centralizing their support is by no means a new one. Old-line parties usually in all counties of some states have their official publication to which is given preference not only as to news items but in the more substantial support of contracts for public printing.

Grand Valley, Pa. F. A. SWANS0N. Our Boy's Education.

In what shall we educate our boys? is the serious question for the consideration of most parents. What can he study or do that would insure him a good living without being a "hewer of wood and drawer of water?" We all want our children to hold "respectable" ,1 if Organization Suited ijto the Country. That vho does not know that con inpvitiihlp r-lnim t.r ha TW" 'ocialist, or an intelligent So an ACCOIIU' A each won year ao-o attended a So. nually anng at the auditorium in WB and heard Victor L. Berger tes ire salrt there were two kinds riisrnricnl kind, and 'Da rical kind, and that he was an 1 1 Socialist then he went on 01 on Aiiflintt Viia4-rtiv r-f fins an state( that the tried to buy the land held stne Sclergy and nobles, and even w.Vei(fs0 give them double the market wthe DU- tnev refused, the war and the land was confiscated, iii Iito our Civil war, and said that tifrorf from Tennessee proposed that nttivwrnment buy the slaves from PVitnwatere, and even give them dou bu market value, but the masters et the war came on and the av'were confiscated he advocated the issuing of teto buy the "public utilities." Now 'estion is, did he forget the two atacal facts that he had mentioned, he know of any historical facts ierry thereto? Besides, there are I Pinsurmountable obstacles in the uf buying by bond issue or other- vh men who have come into ti'ism, came because they were tired 1'mdage, and certainly never will fit the parasitic would-be leaders of docialist party to place a yoke of ge (even though it be lighter than fa esent one) upon their necks.

i'p people who at present own the utilities are not fools; they know it is not the utilities nor money want, but an income, and they say to our officers, If you can 'J us how we can get an income ftioney under your, regime, we will otherwise you will have to confis-' no matter how much you dislike to fkoshe, Okla. H. BROKING. Pull for the Shore, I a bunch of you comrades who have wasting space and printers ink, tissing confiscation, were out in the file of a big river in a leaky boat, I wmild Tint rAflt nn vnnr naps wliilp tVifi rrfured out what kind of a stunt We Kiav'Vld pull off when you reached 1 1 A to be fin juu wuum yrau uie uitm aim head me uevn was uner you. von 3 XI -1 17i 1 ginn msMme aiiu euerjry uu auiiieuiiiiK iinripitfrl have to be all gone over again awayThe'e sret it.

Get a grip on your our idralHmP your backs and shoot the sheairkiialist boat for dry land. There teres thPoV bar, dear, ahead. We will self bor onshore all, right even if some tUwoman our feet wet. There are capfc. rapids ahead of us.

If we my vnj old boat drift while we argue, goner, sciovt have the plutes on the run and cialijt tongues will soon be hanging out $3 vif fx bound's. If we give them a papta'hile we try to" decide what we will them when we get them, the pan have to start all over again, ciajs keep them fanning the breeze har1 their coat tails. We will hold a savncil of war when we have them down kin' hog tied. rnoKpletrtt, Ore. M.

L. BOUCHEK. of For the Encampment. al As a suggestion has been made by v-rcai vruuuiiiK, luanu, uiruugn me v'ational Socialist, that Socialists of Jl nations establish an international socialist encampment to be open during the Panama Pacific Exposition. k'JJJe it Resolved, by Denver local dele-pUe body, in regular meeting assem-gVd that we favor such action and be-ore it would be a great help to the jjjvement and the members who may there; and also a valuable expe-jence to the Socialist party.

And be it further Resolved that a copy of these resolutions be sent to Local Gooding of Idaho, nd to the National Socialist for publication. J. F. CRITCHFIELD, Rcc. Sec.

Thinks INIoney the Issue. I As money is the foundation of all monopoly, I think the Socialist party should declare for a monopoly of money, iK 1 -i tj.i xi 1. i Plan to Offset a Possible Scheme of the Master Class. The scheme of the money hoarders is to discredit the Socialist propaganda in the large and small cities by lessening the cost of living to town residents at the expense of the farmers to manage the markets of produce to the city population by taking all manner of profits rom the product of the farms and then to tell the farmer that the tariff did it, while telling the artizan and the laborer, in the centers of popu- lation, that it is an unasked blessing handed to him by the millionaires because they' love him so. Within two years, living will be cheap to appease the element that threaten to save themselves by working through the Socialist party, at which time the millions of farmers will be supposed to curse every movement that will question the power of the republican party, or its substitute, to restore "dollar wheat." Now as we are "on to" the strategem of the enemy, it is time for us to get every engine of our party into service and give capitalism some telling broadsides in the way of a full and complete national exposure.

I call upon the party to institute a referendum to have the dues to the party raised five cents per month for every member for two years, to raise a fund of rural propaganda. By 1916 we would be able to resume the normal dues and will have greatly disconcerted the strategists of the great plunderbund. I suggest that the party send Socialists throughout the farming country on a salary, to speak in all the schoolhouses four or five days at each school house to speak to the farmers in meeting even when in audience of only five or six, and to wage a warm campaign of personal work. The farmer is a fixed voting institution and wields a threefold power, politically, when compared with the city voter with his enforced nomadic habits, which fact the capitalist works with every resource at his command. One farmer in our party works a constant benefit.

He stands like a stone barracks, always there, and permanently on the job. liVe could readily double our rural vote and place the party in a greater prestige while benefitting with the respectability that goes with increase of numbers in our ranks. San Bernardino, Cal. U. G.

KENNEDY. Suggests Co-operatives. It is time to establish something for Socialists to fight for, beside the Drinted word. The Socialist movement intends) to create conditions in which man caiv make the best of life, without fear or coercion and on lines of least resistance. How can such conditions be established? going ahead and doing it.

The program on constructive lines would be: 1. Wrhat are you going to build? A -democratic Co-operative Commonwealth. Where? In the United States of America. Everything but man's imagination is built on the ground. So it must be so with an industrial democracy.

We must heed the cry "Back to the land." Having found what we want and intend to build, we must get a building plan and find ways and means. This brings us to the purpose of this article which is To ask the Socialists of America if they will stand up and be counted with the intention of co-operating in building a democratic industry which may develop into the hoped-for industrial democracy of the United States of America. I think it is easily possible to establish a Socialist government in the United States within ten years, by adopting a strict Socialist program based on industrial activities. I can conceive of no way which would so quickly teach the ignorant and prejudiced, as an industrial object lesson sustained by party dues and under the auspices of the organized Socialists wherein a proportional number of Socialists could find employment. I think it is impossible for an idea to fructify without an attempt to produce conditions suitable, by some individuals or factions.

Wrho could more properly make the attempt than red card Socialists? With something concrete to work for, we would soon all be red card members boosting for the co-operative commonwealth by providing industrial opportunity to a considerable number of fellow Socialists. We must use business methods until our commonwealth is established. We must get possession of some of the national resources of the country and establish object lessons which will convince even the skeptic. Oakland, Cal. EDWIN W.

SKINNER. The last democratic administration sealed the fate of democracy for twenty years by sending troops into Illinois against the protest of the governor. The present democratic administration has sent t-oqps into Colorado and Mexico. The people will resent an administration that is so easily handled. 3 Book CflE7ovfr fy.

Oppk CACH- 3 fofL Sot Ifol ll. f3evr thinc -et. TliU iinimi0 aeries of cartoons by Ryan unique aeries or cartoons oy Walker has caught the attention of the work ers ot every nation, tverywnere me name Henry Dubb has become a synonym for the man who votes for what he doesn't want and irets it. These pictures brin home the troth where all else fail. There are plenty of Henry IHibbs in vour twn town.

Give them a copy "Adventures of Henry Dubb." urn BY DAVID RICARDO, 1823. This is a document to which economists often make reference; therefore is worthy con sineration by all. Rent is that portion of the produce of thev earth which is to the land lord for the use of the original and in oestructioie powers ot the sou. it is often, however, confounded with the in terest and profit of capital, and, in pop ular language, the term is applied to whatever is annually paid by a farmer to his landlord. If, of two adjoining farms of the same extent, and of the same natural fertility, one had all the conveniences of farming buildings, and besides, were properly drained and manured, and advantageously divided by hedges, fences and walls, while the other had none of these advantages, more re muneration would naturally be paid for the use ot one, than ior the use of the other; yet in both cases this remuner' anon would be called rent, it is evident, that a portion only of the money annually to be paid for the im proved farm, would be given for the orig inal and indestructible powers of the soil the other portion would be paid for the use of the capital which had been employed in ameliorating the qual ity of the land, and in erecting such buildings as were necessary to secure and preserve the produce.

Adam Smith sometimes speaks of rent, in the strict sense to which I am desirous of con fining it, but more in the popular sense, in which the term is usually employed He tells us, that the demand for timber and its consequent high price, in the more southern countries of Europe, caused a rent to be paid for forests in Norway, which could before afford no rent. Is it not, however, evident, that the person who paid what he thus calls rent, paid it in consideration of the valuable commodity which was then standing on the land, and that he actu ally repaid himself with a profit, by the sale of the timber! If, indeed, after the timber was removed, any compensa tion were paid to the landlord for the use of the land, for the purpose 'of growing timber or any other produce. with a view to future demand, such com pensation might justly be called rent. because it would be paid for the pro ductive powers of the land: but in the case stated by Adam Smith, the com' pensation was paid for the liberty of removing and selling the timber, and nr lor the liberty of growing it. He speaks also of the rent of coal mines, and of stone quarries, to which the same observation applies that the compensation given for the mine or quarry, is paid for the value of the coal or stone which can be removed from them, and has no connection with the original and indestructible powers of the land.

This is a distinction of great importance, in an enquiry concerning rent and profits; for it is found that the laws, which regulate the progress of rent, are widely different from those which regulate the progress of profits, and seldom operate in the same direction. In all improved countries. that which is annually paid to the landlord, partaking of both characters, rent and profit, is sometimes kept by the effects of opposing causes; at other times advances or recedes, as one or the other of these causes preponderates. In the future pages of this work, then, whenever I speak of the rent of the land, I wish to be understood as speaking of that compensation which is paid to the owner of land for the use of its original and indestructible powers. On the first settling of a country, in which there is an abundance of rich and fertile land, a very small propor tion of which is required to be cul tivated for the support of the actualT population, or indeed can be cultivated with the capital which the population cart command, there will be no rent: for no one would pay for the use of land, when there was an abundant quantity not yet appropriated, and, therefore, at the disposal of whosoever might choose to cultivate it.

When land of the third quality is taken into cultivation, rent immediately commences on the second, and it is regulated as before, by the difference in their productive powers. At the same time, the rent of the first quality will rise, for that must always be above the rent of the second, by the difference between the produce which they yield with a given quantity of; capital and labor. With every step in the progress of population, which shall oblige a country to have recourse to land of a worse quality, to enable it to raise its supply of food, rent, on all the more fertile land, will rise. Equal Ownership. Equal ownership, (which is collective ownership) of the means of production and of distribution will be justice to all; for, with it in existence, no one can be robbed of the right to work, or of equal economic opportunity, or of any portion of his labor product.

Equal ownership of land and of machinery that are socially used or of any thing else, is not "confiscation," but is equality of rights, privileges and opportunities, and of all the means of life, labor and production. Under Socialism, the system of ownership, of things collectively used will simply be changed from private ownership and labor exploitation to equal, or collective ownership; and no labor exploitation. In this way all would be equal owners, one with another, and thereby have equal right to work and to receive their full labor product. Whereas, under capitalism, the capitalist owns some things, under Socialism he would own all things, the earth and the full ness thereof! Hartford, Ky. Vil.

HLSEV Cl'NDlFF. BY FRED HURST, MARSHALL, TEXAS. I wish to change Comrade Otto Bran stetter's article, "Four of a Kind," in the may issue. The business agent went on a job where a new man was working. neuo, Drotner, are you a union man?" "Betcher life.

I am. Here's mv card I'm a union man as good as you, though I boost scab papers to the neglect of union papers." Mr. Smith was a Methodist. One Sunday morning he applied for mem bership in the church. "Yes, I am a good Methodist, though 1 do take Baptist papers for my chil dren to read, to the exclusion of Methodist papers." "You're not the kind of a Methodist we need," replied the minister as he refused him.

A Mason went in to quench his thirst A stranger accosted him. Hello, brother, I see you are a Ma son: bo am lets have something. During the conversation he said he was a good Mason, though he took anti Masonic newspapers in preference to Masonic newspapers. When he said this the true Mason left Jimmy Higgins was distributing lit erature. As he stepped into a barber shop one ot the group was saying, "The working class must become class con scious and emancipate themselves." "I judge you are a Socialist," says Jimmy.

"That's right," replied the strangers. "Do you take the Appeal to Reason?" asked Jimmy. "No, but I take the Scream," and he went on naming some more capitalist papers. But they are not Socialist papers. protested Jimmy.

me taKe your subscription to some socialist paper. "The Scream is a Socialist paper," he said. "The Scream is not a Socialist paper," said Jimmy. I am not able to take any more pa pers," said the stranger, seeking to 1 see, said Jimmy, as he left, "that you misnamed yourself. You are not a Socialist, but an anti-Catholic capitalist voter." Co-operative Farming.

Though co-operative farming is not Socialism, since it is being done by the means of individuals, yet it is a long step in the direction of Socialism. So cialism applied to agriculture, which is practicable as if applied to manufac turing or transportation, would mean that the state or nation would provide land, tools, seed, and shelter and food. so that the individual could apply (the only thing many of them have) his labor power. I regard co-operative farming as a step in the right direction. Under the present profit system it can be made profitable, and when we get the co-operative commonwealth it will be like a partial organization.

Some have charged that Socialism will kill incentive; well, no doubt it will to some extent. Think of it, when a 40 horse power traction drives out on to the field. At 6 a. m. sounds a whistle.

After three eight hour shifts forty acres or more of ground is prepared and planted in up-to-date manner. Com pare that to the poor man with his rocky hillside forty, a stiff-eared mule and bull tongue plow. Do you think a glimpse of up-to-date farming would not kill all the incentive he had and per haps confiscate his mule and plow? It would kill the incentive for private ownership of all sorts of old junk that no one else needed. It would kill the incentive for guarding and caring for and slaving after a little of several kinds of stocks and prepertv which would have" but little' commercial value. but that absolutely necessary to the old time method of private ownership.

I really believe it will kill the incentive for all sorts of drudgery and privations. believe it will kill the incentive for war and all manner of barbarism and create an incentive to get on to a higher plain, lead a nobler life and ripen into a universal brotherhood of man. Joplin, Mo. W. B.

POGUE. Limiting the Socialist Press. Socialists profess to believe in the theory of co-operation rather than destructive or ruinous competition. They likewise desire or should the best efficiency from their efforts or money. If therefore some definite organization of the Socialist press could be made that would secure from expenditures now made, greater better results, such organization should receive the support of those who now freely contribute of their time and wealth to spread economic and political doctrines in which they believe.

Of course there are editors and publish ers wno are in tne newspaper business; they naturally desire, in addition to having as influential newspaper as possible, to get the largest financial returns. This additional motive does not concern the voluntary, workers who are interested only in the spread of various economic and political doctrines. They want only best results from their efforts. In order to secure these best results, it appears that greater centralization of their efforts would be profitable. If so, such centralizing of support should be made.

The detail of how this should be handled could no doubt be satisfactorily worked out. It appears that it should naturally fall to the national and state officers of the Socialist party. Each state could designate its official or semi-official paper and by virtue of such endorsement no doubt the larsrer num- bcr of voluntary workers would concen- certain place in the community which the lecturer would fill and organize, hav ing the members pay expenses, and they to have regular meetings atterwaras. once every two weeks. When so many organizations were made a county meet ine.

away from town in some school house was held and the county organized to meet periodically. At the county meeting an executive committee and secretary was elected, sueeested at first by the organizer. Af ter so many counties were organized a district organization followed and the chairman of each county formed the executive committee of the district, always ready to work. The chairman of the districts formed the state executive committee which selected a state chair man that formed a national executive committeeman. Let this method adopt the referendum vote and you have a perfect form of systematic organization.

Supplemented by the tabulated list of a third of the addresses of the voters of a precinct, reading voters, and dues to pay for non-subscribers to Socialist papers, a sample copy oi a socialist paper sent them once a month be ar ranged with the editors and in an in creditable short time the nation will be ours. I would select a state literature agent and allow him a small amount to select available addresses to whom should be sent an occasional pamphlet or marked article in a Socialist paper, selecting able writers in preference. Individual candidates in the old par ties reach each voter in the state with pamphlets and circulars surely we, as an organization, can do it. Columbus, Texas. J.

o. mi, Fable of the Cattle. Not Ions: aero I watched a herd of cat tle feeding upon a pasture of fine grass. Thev seemed to understand tnat tnis bountiful supply of grass was for their food, for they leisurely fed across the irreen field and no one seemed to care how much the other ate because there was plenty for all. They were sleek and fat, one just the same as the other, and there was no cheating, robbing, fighting or killing, as every one had all he could consume.

But iust outside in the long dry lane, formed by a three wire fence on either side, roamed two lone steers with yokes unon their necks. These steers were not permitted to enter the meadow and help themselves to the necessaries of life. They were poor and bony and I seamed to hear them say: there in that field is food enough for ten thousand of us, yet in the midst of plenty we are forced to starve. They tried to enter, but -the yokes came in contact with the wire and they fell back in despair. They knew they were suffering from hunger, and they also knew that it was not because there was too much grass, but because they were denied the right to use that which was their own.

They knew there was more grass than was needed, and they knew it was not being properly distributed. Then I thought of the working people who produce the nation's wealth then turn it over to the capitalists who drive them out in the lane with yokes upon their necks and are made to believe that they have produced too much and that they must stand there in idleness and starvation while the rich waste and enjoy the products of their labor. Is it possible that I have been born among a people with less brains than long horned cattle seeing that workers have the. power to throw off the yoke and help themselves to their own, but they will submit to standing in the lane and watching their capitalist bosses pick over the fine things they (the workers) produced. Sulphur Bluff, Texas.

J. JS. BAUUht. One on the Judge. A criminal case of minor importance was once being tried in which the prin- ipal witness for the prosecution was a mall colored boy.

The lawyer for the defense objected to the evidence being admitted, because, as he said, the boy was too young to realize the import of any oath. In or der to settle it the judge decided to question the witness. "Look here, boy," he said looking as serious as he well could, "do you know what would happen to you if you were to tell a lie?" "Y-e-s, sah! mammy would whip me." "Is that all that would happen?" "N-o, sah! De debil would get me." "Look here," said the judge putting on one of his fiercest looks, "don't you know that I would get you, too?" "Y-y-yes, sah!" said the now thoroughly frightened boy. "That is what I just said." JOHN GARDNER. Addressing Your H'red Hand.

Comrades, when you write to your Socialist representative how do you address him? Do you tack on to his plain name the aristocratic "Hon." of snobbish officialdom? I think I have been guilty of doing that very thing, but it strikes me it would be wise to begin right now cutting out some of the furbelows with which high society has bedecked the servants of the people. Let's cut the pink baby ribbon off his little bonnet. We will respect him all the more and he will feel grateful tc us. "Hon." must go on the junk pile with "Reverend Sir," "Your Hdhor," "High and Mighty Prince," court wigs, silk ties and monocles. Of course, when we write to a plute party official we ought to put oh all the flummery-There wouldn't be much of him left without it, and we want to reach all of him there is with what we have to sav.

Floral, Kid. G. W. SIGLER. positions that mean positions of mostly mental labor and good or big pay.

i'laces like these are all too tew and competition for them too strenuous. To make an opportunity is always open but in trust days like these, and big business, the chances for opening up a new business, unless an en tirely new departure, is getting smaller and smaller." Capitalism owns the resources of op portunity and the fullness thereof. Capitalism is the product of competi tion and narrows opportunities down to the benefit of a very few. To try to select places for our boys so that a living can be made easier we often force him into a condition he is little adapted to and always is a place where he must really punish others that he may get a chance to live well, lo say the least, this is brutal. Lawyers, doctors, preachers, bankers, saloon keepers, well-to-do merchants, men high in po litical life and commanders in murder (war), perhaps a few others not men tioned, make plenty of money very easy.

If we had the number of these who do well we could subtract it from the total and tell you the number who practically and absolutely have no chance to do well under competition, or cap italism. We must kill our old prejudice and think and study deeper and broader on economic questions than we ever did before. Then we will have a new heaven and a new earth with the fangs and claws of evil pulled, which we so much need and give us a real happy civilization. Then in educating our boys, opportunities, plenty of room will be opened to fit the boy instead ot iorc-inz the boy into an opportunity that probably he will not fit. 15.

UAI. The Battle Line. Socialism is an international move ment of the working class for the unity, the solidarity, the co-operation of all the workers, for the overthrow of capitalism, which in its vile workings is ever the enemy of labor, the enslaver of the industrious, the foe of the right and the murderer of the just and the innocent. Consequently, the Socialist party is not warring against persons, parties, churches, creeds, sexes, societies, races, religions, nationalities nor niggers;" but is on the war-path, "in season and out of season," for the sole purpose of annihilating capitalism. Socialism, in its principles, program, philosophy, propaganda arid purpose knows no Protestant, Catholic, Jew, Gentile, infidel nor atheist, but, ever true to its purpose and the mission of the proletariat, it "hews to the line, let the chips fall where they may," and battles for the emancipation of labor from thralldom to capital.

The Socialist party, pursuing "the even tenor of its way," refuses to be disrupted by anti-Catholicism, deterred by capitalistic machinations, or defeated by sophistries, seductions or seditions. Standing for all that is just in life, all that is right in human relations, all that is rational in thought, all that is equitable in society, all that is found in the golden rule, all that belongs to social purity, economic freedom and industrial democracy, and for the love and brotherhood of man every where, "the Socialist party offers freedom to the op pressed, rest to the weary, Iraternansm to the outcast, peace to the embattled, help to the hungry, and happiness to the miserable. Hartford, Ky. WILLIAM H. CUNDIFF.

The Right Aim. Facts are facts whether accepted or rejected. The true and faithful Socialist has not the time to stop and show by word or deed that he is be coming the greatest in the kingdom. The number of years that one has called himself a Socialist doesn't at all times answer the question of worthiness. The length of time may add to one's appearance as a Socialist, but when the test comes to prove that the solidarity of the workers and brotherhood of man is in the very soul of the professed Socialist, the true spirit of Socialist is shown.

The truly class conscious Socialist is not striving for political power or personal gain. He is striving for emancipation from wage slavery. The new emancipation means that there will be no more enlisting of gunmen, but employment of value to society of the unemployed. LANE. The worker toils from sun to sun.

But tbe skinning process is never done. aftcthe government to issue straight fiat like the first $60,000,000 that uincoln issued, then establish a government bank in each county seat and city of 20,000 inhabitants, and redeem all outstanding money dollar for dollar, until we have a straight medium of exchange proper. Let the Socialist party make the main fight for the monopoly of money and we will elect several congressmen this year and the majority of congress and the president in 1916. Get right up in meeting and speak out and we will have things coming our way. Couch, Mo.

A. B. WETZEL. Only in Self-Defencc. "Begorra, thira's six fine sons ye have here, Casey," said Dennis Flaherty to lis friend.

"They do be that, Flaherty," replied Jasey. i "Do yez have any trouble with thim?" -quired Dennis. "Trouble?" repeated Casey. "I've nliver had to raise my hand to one of tfiim, excipt in self-defince!" The llaeaworker. Propaganda Suggestions.

It is easy to win the United States Socialism if we get down to prac-al organization and system in our vork. Our efforts are scattering and vasteful and do not continually pelter good part of the people. An individual must absorb Socialism to accept it and the first introduction is 'such an innovation to him or her that it is repulsive. Constantly kept before them the.