Pottawatomie County Herald du lieu suivant : Louisville, Kansas • 1

I ID OTTA WATOMIE COUNTY HERALD VOLUME I. LOUISVILLE, POTTAWATOMIE COUNTY, KANSAS, WEDNESDAY, MAY 21, 1879. NUMBER 17. THE TETO. It was something fearful to notice the THE LAST WORDS.

man's mortality. BT D. ODOHOTiM. Like the damask low yon Or like blossom on ft tree. Or like ft dainty flower in May, Or like the niomins: to the day, Or like the sun, or like the (bade, Or like the gourd which Jonah had-Even auch la man, whose thread la epujl, Drawn oat and out.

and ao is done. The roee witbera, the bloaaom blaateth, The flower fadea, the morniog hasteth, Tbe tun seta, the shadow flios, The gourd consume, the man be dies. IJke the grass tbst'a newly sprung, Or like ft tale that's new begun. Or like the bird that a here to-day, Or like tbe pearled dew In May, Or like an hour, or like a apan. Or like tae singing ot a swan Eren such is man, who Uvea by breath, la here, now there, in life and death.

The grass withers, the tale is ended. The bird is flown, the dew's ascended. The hour is short, tbe span not long. The sw en's near death, man's llle la dona, like to the babble in the brook, Or In a glass much like a look, Or like the shuttle in weaver's hand, Or like the writing on the sand, Or like a thought, or like a dream, Or like the gliding of tbe stream-Even each Is man, who lives by breath, la here, now there, in life and death. The babble's out, the look forgot.

The shuttle's flung, the writing's blot, The thought Is past, the dream Is gone, The waters glide, man's life la done. Like to an arrow from the bow, Or like swift course of water flow, Or like that time 'twiit Hood and ebb, Or like the spider's tender web, Or like ft race, or like ft goal, Or like the dealing of a dole-Even auch is mau, whose brittle state Is slwaya subject onto fate. The arrow shot, the flood soon spent. The time no nine, the web soon rent, The race soon run, the goal soon won. The oon dealt, man's life soon done.

i Washington snppiwed the whisky rebellion in rrnnsvlvania. In 17 '4. In 15M. on the same principle. President Jefferson brotenp the Burr cou-piracy, by issuing orders for the employment of such force, either of the regular or of je militia, and bv inch proceeding of the civil authorities as might enable them to suppress effectually the further proirroa of the enter-rru.

It' wss nnder th same amhonty that President Jackson erushed nullification in Houih Carolina, and that President Lincoln fcnied his call for troop to save the Union, in lNil On nunicron other occasions of Ice significance, under probably every administration, and certainly under tlie present, tliis power bas been nsefully exettfd to enforce tlie Jaw withont objection by toy party in the country, and almost without attracting pnbhc attention. The great elementary constitutional principle, which waa tlie foundation of the original statute of I and which ha been its essence in the various form it baa assumed since its first adoption, is that the Government of the United Sute pok'eniea, undor the constitution, in full measure, tlie pjwerof self-protection by it own agencies, altogether independent of tho State amlioiity, and, if need be, against the hostility of tbe State Government, it should remain embodied in our statutes, unimpaired, a it has been from" the onaw of the Ooveni-mnt It shonld be regarded a hardly Ice valuable or lens sacred than a provision of the constitution itself. There are many other important statute containing provisions that are liable to be suspended or annulled at the times and place of holding elections if the bill before me should become law. I do not undertake to furnish a lift at them. Many of them, porhaps moat of tLera, havo been set forth in debate on this measure.

They relate to extradition, to crimes against the Election law, to quarantine regulations, to nentrality, to Indian reservation, to civil right of citizen, and to other subjects. In regard to them all it may be safelv said that the meaning and effect of this bill is to take from the General Government an important part of lta power to enforce the law. Another grave objection to the bill is Hi discrimination in favor of the State and against the national authorities. The presence or era-plojmentof the army or navy of the United States i lawful under the terms of this Li 1 at the place where an election waa being held in a State to nphold the authority of a Slato Government, then and there in the need of sneti military intervention, but unlawful to uphold the authority of the Government of the United State, then ami there in the need of nch military intervention. Under thia bill the presence and employment of tho army or navy of the United Slate wonld lie lawful, and might be necessary to maintain the conduct of a State election against the domestic violence that would overthrow it, but would be unlawful to maintain the conduct of a national election agaiust military power retorted to for the execution of the conslilutional powers in support of the State or national an- ilioritv.

Both function of tbe Government were put npon the same tooting. By the act of 1807 tlx employment of the army and navy was authorized for the performance ot both constitutional dittos in the same terms. In all the later statute on the same subject matter, the same measure of authority to the Government baa been accorded for the performance of both these dntiis. No precedent ha been found in any previous legislation, and no sufficient reason has been given for the discrimination in favor of tho State and against the national authority which Hits bill contain. Under the sweeping term of the bill, the National Government is effectually shut out from exercise of right and from an imperative duty, to use it whole executive power whenever and wherever required for the enforcement of it laws.

In places and times when and where it eleotions are held, the employment of it organized armed force for any such purpose would in the Federal Congress were being chosen. Paas this bill! Pass) it as a triumph of the reactionary party against tbe spirit of the Union I Pas it in defiance of all the la sons and all the teaching that have come from a bloody, abortive rebellion? Paatj it and mark it aa a nigh tide of that reaction which, were it to rue higher, could lead only to another and foimidable rebellion against the legitimate authority of the Union 1 Mr. Chandler said that history is repeating Itself to-day. There is a proverbial saying that the Bourbons never learn anything, ana never forget anvtbing. The proverb is very applicable to the Bouroon of thil eountry.

In 18a7, he said, the Bourbons had control of this Government Yon had a majority in both houses, a majority in the 8upreme Courts, and the whole of this Government was under your eontroL Von brought on the repeal of the Missouri compromise, and forced yonr Northern men then, as you are doing now, to vote for that repeal, and yon did it by the same means. Then, sir, yon crowded yonr men till you crowded tbem off the bridge. In lHf7, when I took my seat in this bodv with Jeff Davis, there were here forty-four Democrat, twenty Republicans, and two Independents. Of those Democrats, twenty-eight were from the Southorn States, sixteen from the Northern States, and two Independents. Then, aa now, the Independents in this body, npon every aneation connected with slavery, voted with the South.

You, in caucus, then decreed that Ste- Shen A. Douglas, because he asserted that he id not care whether alavery waa voted np or down, shonld be degraded from the Chairmanship on Territories, and there were bnt three Northern men out of sixteen who dared to resist the caucus dictation. And yon did degrade him and put him off that committee. Then you crowded your men off tbe bridge, and they sank to a man in the waters of oblivion, to rise no more forever. Sir, of the sixteen members not a solitary man from the North ever came up to the surface of tbe water of ob-livioa Yon crowded them off the bridge; you compelled them to vote for measures which the North could not and would not submit to.

Sir, to-day you are doing the self-same thing. Today we have in this body forty-one Democrats, thirty Republicans and one Independent Today, as twenty-two years ago, on all questions connected with State right the Independent party, as a unit, votes with the Democratic party. To-day you have, as I said, forty-two members in this body forty-one, leaving out the Independent party. Yon have twelve member from the North, and they are arranged thus: From California, one: from Indiana, now. as then, two; from New Jersey, two, now, as then from Ohio you have two you had but one then; from Oregon you have two now, and you had two then; from Pennsylvania you have one now you had one then; from Rhode Island you have none now, but yon have one from Connecticut and one from New York.

A I said, history is to-day repeating itself, and you are to-day repeating what you did in 1857. You are crowding yonr men off the bridge, and the men of to-day, aa tbe men of 1857, will sink into the waters of oblivion, to rise no more forever. Look at the change that has taken place since that time. Sir, the people are more thoroughly aroused to-day against this doctrine, this hereof of State rights, than they were from 1857 to 1861. You proposed to pension Jefferson Davia, and every single one of your Northern allies voted to pension him.

You eulogized him aa a latriot to be compared aide by side with Wash-ugton and all the patriot of the Revolution, and every one of yonr Northern allies voted aye. After the close of the Rebellion you claimed you were poor and suffering, and we found you poor and suffering. We found you ragged and poor, and we clothed yon. We put npon you the robe of American citizenship which yon had forfeited, and we killed for yon the fatted calf and invited you to the feast, supposing you, after being clothed, were in yonr right mind. And when we invited yon to the feast you said, "We have always owned that calf, and you have no interest in it." Now yon inform us that you are Roing to repeal all the Republican measures.

What is the job yon have undertaken? You are going to undo all that the Republican party has done. Whore do you begin? Do youhegin at Appomatox or before? It is very important to know where you commence, and then to know where you impose to stop. Yon have undertaken a very arge job for a party of yonr size, and with the people who are to sit aa judge upon jour acta Yon have undertaken to unseat a man in this body. But you will deny tbat you have undertaken the job. You have simply undertaken to investigate the case of a Senator on this floor that has been decided by the highest tribunal that could act on that question.

Sir, there are twelve Senators on that side of the house that every man on this aide believe have poorer titles to their seat than the honorable Senator from Louisiana has to his. By fraud iud violence you occupy your seat. Now show us the road how to vacate seats in this body if yon dare Mr. Eaton I call tbe Senator to order. Mr.

Chandler Very well, air, I take your point of order. Mr. Eaton My point is that the Senator from Michigan is entirely out of order when he says that twelve Senators on this floor bold their seat by frand and violence. Mr. Chandler I did not say that, I said they hold their seat by a poorer title.

Mr. Eaton Yon said frand and violence. Mr. Chandler I said we believe it, and so I do believe it, and so I have a right to believe. Mr.

Garland asked that the exact words be both the landlady and her daughter, which caused me to look np and instinctively to glance across the street "Did you ever see such a big, coarse and clumsy-looking woman? "exclaimed the younger of my entertainers. "Or is it a woman at all? added her mother. My attention was at once riveted upon the new-comer, whom I somehow could not avoid connecting with the criminal it would so soon become my duty to apprehend. Without saying a word to the two ladies, I carefully and closely watched every movement of tbe party opposite, during the remainder of my morning meal More than once I caught myself mentally repeating my landlady's query "Is it a woman afterall?" Then it must be excused, as the point was so entirely doubtful For a woman, the individual was very considerably above the average height, and her whole physique indicated far more than the average strength of womankind. There was a swagger in her walk, too, most unlike the carriage of a female; and once during her pacing in front of the jail door she stopped to adjust a bootlace or some snob, matter in a fashion which showed an entire absence of delicacy, and at the same time showed a portion of a limb which might have done credit to an athlete's (highest state of training.

I was fairly puzzled, and none the less so tbat I had twice noticed her ringing the prison bell, and that I knew there was but one individual to be discharged that morning, and that it was close upon my time to go and look after him I had barely finished my last cup of coffee, when one of the prison warders came across to say that the wife of my prisoner was waiting outside, and had twice made a demand to see him; but that the Governor did not care to accede to the request without first consulting me. After casting the matter over in my own mind for a minute, I told the warder that I did not mind the woman being admitted, but that the two ought to be very olosely watched during the interview. The man re-entered the prison, and within a few minutes I observed that the woman was called in. Punctual to my time, I crossed over to the prison and found my charge waiting for me, his wife being still with him, and no one in the room but the Governor. Contrary to my expectations, the prisoner held up his wrists and submitted to be handcuffed with the most lamb-like docility.

When we got out into the street I suggested, as there was time to spare, that the stalwart pair should have a bit of breakfast at my expense, before starting on the journey for town. I thought the woman seemed a little taken aback at my invitation; it was acceded to; and we entered the inner parlor, where I requested the landlady to produce a plentiful supply of ham and eggs, and, as the pair preferred ale to tea or coffee, I ordered them a pint apiece. I I had of course to unlock one hand in order to allow my prisoner the free use of his knife and fork; and, after what I had heard the night before, I thought it was rather a risky thing for me to do, as.though he might not attempt to do any mischief, it was just possible he might try to inflict some serious mischief on himself. All, however, passed off safely and when breakfast was finished I told him he must bid his wife good-by, as I did not want to attract any attention at the railway station. A kiss was accordingly exchanged, the bracelets were again adjusted to his wrists, and we set off at a brisk pace.

When we got to the station, I learned that the next "up train was an express, and that I would have to look sharp, as it might be expected immediately, and made but a brief stoppage. The train in fact came in almost to a minute after the information was communicated to me; and I hurried across the platform, got my man into a second-class carriage the compartment I had only just time to notice was empty. The whistle was sounded, and the train was beginning to move, when the door was flung open, and in jumped the prisoner's wife, taking a seat right opposite me. There was but time for the porter to slam to the door when we were off. It need not be said that I was very far from being satisfied with the look of things, and that I had made up my mind to be carefully on my guard.

I said nothing, being fully determined not to betray my uneasiness, though it must be owned I felt much. Before we had gone any great way, my prisoner turned sideways to me ana said: "Master, my missus and me have some small matters of our own we would like to talk over; and, as they don't concerr. you in the least, p'raps you wouldn't mind looking out o' the winder for a minute or two while we have our talk." "That I could not possibly do," was my immediate answer. My duty is to keep you always nnder my eye and control; and, besides, as you have just said your domestic arrangements can be a matter of no concern to me, so yon can discuss them as freely as you please without minding my presence." immediate change on that woman's countenance. She became of a pallid whiteness, and her lips had the pi trple-bluish tinge that indicates so unm istak-ably an access of deadly fear.

In the highly dramatio position 1 have just described we sped on until tho sext stopping station was reached, and that occupied more than twenty mintutes. The moment the train came to a sop, 1 thus addressed the woman, keeping her covered with the muzzle of my pistol: Jjeave the carnage and, if yu value your liberty, make what speed you can to get into hiding." She disappeared instanter. and I felt a heavy load of anxiety lifted off my mind as she left us, for, of all the encounters I most hate, an encounter with a woman is to be classed foremost From the moment I saw the change in her face indicative of such intense fear, I knew I was master of the situation but still I was glad to be rid of all further risk of a struggle. Not a word passed between my prisoner and mo during the remainder of the journey to London, which we were no great while in reaching, and where I duly delivered him into safe keeping at Bow street po lice office. Next morning I had to conduct my prisoner to Woolwich, there to deliver him to the authorities of the hulks, from whom he had obtained his ticket-of-leave.

He seemed to have recovered from his scare of the day before, and on our journey spoke freely enough, and with an earnestness tbat left no doubt of the truth of his communication. "Master," said he, "I am main clad you kept your head yesterday, and did not lean out of the winder. Mad you done so, missus and I meant to have pitched you out, and taken our chances after of getting off." 'I was not very likely to be so easily put off my guard," was my luconio answer. "Ay, but master, your danger was not over then for missus and I had made it up that she was to pin your arms and she could a done it easy while I was to smash your head with the darbies." We should then a took the key, got off tbe braoelete, and heaved you out a winder, afore you could come to yourself. That pistol fairly put us out, for it cowed missus, and she isn.t easily cowed, I tell ye." lint the pistol was not loaded, said I nothing but a cap and an empty barrel." All the same, master, I'm main glad we failed.

Now I've thought it over, I know I could not have escaped. It was known I left in your charge, and that missus joined us. When your body was found, we'd a been spotted at once, and most likely both on us would a swung for it. I'm main glad, I tell you, that you got out o' the mess, and I don't bear you no ill-will for hav ing done your dooty as a man and a hofflcer." Never before, to my knowledge, had I been in such deadly peril, and truly thankful did 1 inwardly feel for tbe providential escape I learned I had just made. I was glad to hand my murderous-minded charge over to the care of the officers of the Defense; and I am thankful to add that I never heard more of him.

Siberia. Siberia has long been not merely the political, but the universal prison of Russia, capital punishment being now reserved for cases of high treason, and murder punished with transportation for life. But in this transportation there are many different grades. Banishment to one of the border fortresses is the mildest form, usually inflicted upon military offenders. Next comes Western Siberia, which, traversed by several commercial highways, containing many large towns, and in constant communication with Russia, offers so many advantages that more than one criminal whose term had expired has remained there in preference to returning home.

Eastern Siberia, called by the Bussians "Za-Baikalski" (beyond Lake Baikal), is dreaded by the convicts for its remoteness and sterility, it being a common saying among them that "one year in the East is worse than two in tbe West. More terrible than all, bow-ever, is the sentence of hard labor in the mines, especially those of quicksilver, which, by its corrosive action on the bones, makes a certain and horrible death the inevitable climax of the penalty. Escape is almost impossible, from the countless military pickets, and the strictness of their surveillance but, as if to make assurance doubly sure, the Bussian Government is now sending many of its politioal prisoners to the newly-acquired island of oaghalin, lying between the Siberian coast and Japan. In the reign of Nicholas, pris- oneis were often compelled to march the whole distance with chains on their ankles; but happily this barbarity has beoome rare of late years, though there seems reason to fear that it may be revived before long. Early Rising.

The ancient maxim of early to bed and early to rise has lately received what may be a death blow from a German dootor who, not content to accept the wisdom of nations, has been collecting data on the habits of persons who have attained a great age. He has found that in the majority of cases those who lived the longest were those who went to bed the latest. The London World says Out of every ten persons who had attained the ago of 80 and upwards he found at least eight who were in the habit of not going to bed until the small hours, and who consequently ere late risers. The dootor is of opinion that early rising tends rather to diminish than to increase vital energy, and to shorten life. He maintains that it is quite a mistake to think that the morning hours are the most strengthening; on the oontrary, they are more apt to produoe fatigue; and the morning breeze is more dangerous to some con' stitntions than the damp of the even' ing." Message of President Hayes Vetoing the Military Interference Bill.

To tri Housi or Kxpieskhtattvm: After a careful consideration of the bill entitled An aot to prohibit military Interference at co-Bon, "I return it to the Hons of Representative, to allien it originated, with the following objection to it approval In a communication sent to the Honse of Representatives on the 39th of last month, returning to the Hons withont my approval the bill entitled 'An act making appropriations for tbe support of the army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 18S0, and for other purpose, I endeavored to show by quotation from the statute of the L'uittd State now in force, and by a brief tatenn.iiiot fact in regard to the recent election in several State, that do additional legislation waa necessary to prevent interference wiih election by the military or naval force of Die United States. The fact was preientod in tbat communication that at the time of the passage of tb act of June 18, 1873, in relation to th employment of the army as pens ooiuiiatus, or otlierwlse, it was maintained by it friends that it wonld establish a vital and fundamental principle which would secure to the people protection against a standing armv. The fact was also referred to, that since tbe passage of this act Congressional, State and municipal election had been held throughout the Union, and that in no instance ha complaint been made of tho prrsenee of United State soldier at the polls. Holding, as 1 do, the opinion that any military interference whatever at the polls is contrary to the spirit of our ins and wonld tend to destroy the freedom of elections, and sincerely desiring to concur with Congress in all of it meaanres, it is with very great regret that I am forced to the conclusion that the bill before me is not only unnecessary to prevent such interference, but is a dangerous departure from long-settled and important constitutional principle. The true rule aa to the employment of military force at elections i not doubtful.

No intimidation or coercion should be allowed to control or influence citizen in the exercise of their right to vote, whether it appears in the shape of combination of evil-disposed persons, or of armed bodios of militia of a State, or of the military force of the United State. Tbe election should be free from all forcible interference, and a far a practicable from all apprehension of tnch interference. No soldiers, either of the Union or of the State militia, shonld be present at the polls to take the place or to perform tbe duties of an ordinary civil police force. There ha been and will be no violation of this rule nnder the orders from me during this administration. Bnt there should be no denial of the right of the National Government to employ its military force on any day at any place, in case such employment is neoesaary to enforce the constitution and laws of the United State.

The bill before Is as follows: Be it enacted, etc, that it shall not be lawful to bring to or employ at any place where a general or special election is being held in a State, any part of the army or navy of the United States, unless such for be nccessa: to repel armed enemies of the United States, or to enforce eeo-tion 4 of article 4 of the constitution of tbe United States, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, on the application of the Legislature or the Executive of the State where such force is to be nsed and so much of all laws as it inconsistent herewith is hereby repealed." It will be obf m-ved that the bill exempts from the general prohibition atrainst the employment of a military force at the polls two specified cases. These exceptions recognize and concede the soundness of Iho principle that military forces may properly and constitutionally be nsed at places of election when such use is necessary to enforce the constitution and law. But the excepted case leave a prohibi'ion so extensive and far-reaching that its adoption will serinnsly impair the efficiency of the Executive Department of the Government. The nrst act expressly authorizing the use of military power to execute the laws was passed almost as early as tho organization of the Government under tho constitution, and was approved by President Washington, May 2, Itis as follow: Section And be it further enacted, that whenever the law of the United States shall be opposed, or the execution thereof obstructed, in any State, by combinations loo powerful to bo suppressed by the ordinary course of Judicial proceedings, or by the powers veiled in the Marshals bv this act, the same being certified to the President of tbe United Status by an Associate Justice or District Judge, it shall be lawful for the President of the United Stales to jail for the militia of such State to suppress noh combinations and to cause, the law to be duly executed; and if the militia of a State where snch combinations may happen shall refuse, or be insufficient to suppress the same, it shall be lawful for the President, if the Legislature of the United States be not in session, to call forth and cm- ploy nch number of the militia of any other Stats or States most convenient thereto as may be necessary; and tbe use of the militia so to be called forth may be continued, if necessary, until the expiration of thirty day after the commencement of theensuing session." In 1795 this provision was substantially ro-enaoted in a law which repealed tbe act of In 1807 the following act became the law, by the approval of President Jefferson: That in all cases of insurrection orobstrnc-tion to the laws, cither of the United States or of any individual State or Territory where it is lawful for the President of the United Slates to call forth the militia for the pnrposo of snp- IiresBing such insurrection, or of causing the aws to be duly executed, it shall be lawful for him to employ for the ame purposes snch part of the land or naval forco of the United States as shall be judged having first observed all the prerequisite of the law that respect By this act it will be seen that the scope of the law of 1795 waa extended so as to authorize the National Government to use, not only the militia, bnt the army and navy of tbe United States, in causing the law to be duly executed. The important provision of the act of 1793, 1793 and 18117, mo tided in it terms from time to time, to adapt it to the existing emergoncy, remained in force until by an act approved by President Linco.n, July ISfil, it was re-enacted substantially in tbe same language in which it is now found in the Eovised Statutes, Section 5,293.

Whenever, by reason of unlawful obstructions, combination or assemblages of persons, or rebellion against the authority of the Government of the United States, it Bhall become impracticable, in the Judgment of tho President, to enforce, by the ordinary conrse of judicial proceeding, the laws of the United State within any Slate or Territory, it shall be lawful for the President to call forth the militia of any or all the State, and to employ snch part of the land and naval forces of the United State aa he may deem necessary to enforce the faithful execution of the laws of the United Btatos, or to snpprees such rebellion, in whatever State or Territory thereof the laws of the United StateJ may be forcibly opposed, or the elocution thereof forcibly obstructed This ancient and fundamental law ha been in force from the foundation of the Government It is now proposed to abrogate it on certain day, and at certain places. In my jndgment, no fact ha been prodnoed which tend to show that it ought to be repealed or suspended for a single hour, at any place in any of the State or Territories of the Union. All tho teachings of experience In the course of our history are in favor of sustaining it efficiency unimpaired on every occasion when the supremacy of the constitution ha been relisted, and the perpetuity of our institution imperiled The principle of this statute enacted by the fathers has enabled the Government of the Union to maintain it authority and to preserve the integrity of the nation at the most critical periods of onr history. My predecessors in the Executive oflice have relied on this great prin-ipla, It tu on this principle that President The Closing Debate on the Democratic Caucus Election Bill. Some Very Plain Talk by Senators Edmundi, Chandler and Blaine.

Mr. Edmunds called attention to oertain clauses of the constitution, to virions laws, and to the writings of Hamilton and Madison as the foundation of his remarks on the bill, and said he had read from the constitution and from the eerie of laws on those Dart which bore on the power of the Executive Department to ahow that from the beginning of the Government it had been conceded and maintained that wherever there is a law there mast be a power to carry it into effect, and tbore still existed express authority for the President to exert the military powers of tbe Government wherever the execution of the law, on all ecaaion anl everywhere, la obstructed by combinations too powerful for the civil authorities to suppress. The United States Marshal, too, have express power to command all necessary assistance the performance of their duty, the power being the same as that of Sheriffs in their respective States. Tbe Executive waa not a tyrant, bnt a civil officer, and waa authorized to exercise all the force at his command for the due execution of the laws made in pursuance of the constitution, which he is bound to protect, preserve and defend. The preservation of the peace waa not arbitrary.

The state of order and tranquillity waa found in the due enforcement of the laws. President Jackson announced the possession of power conferred by the constitution, and laws passed in pursuance of it, when, in 18:13, the people of South Carolina sot up their will and dominion against the execution of the national laws. The same arguments and firetexts, the same defiance, the same claim of he exercise of State sovereignty and State rights, the old heresies are reproduced on all occasions, and often in the same language that waa employed at that time. He repeated there was express authority to exert all the force of which the republic is capable to prevent infractions of the law. If the elections fail, or are prevented, what becomes of the republic and the liberty of citizens? Justice may fail, the courts may be closed by armed bands.

When the power of law overcomes opposition nobody has lost anything except by delay. If vou destroy the fountain of power, the republic is at an end. If we, said Edmonds, surrender at this time one thing esteemed to be so small by some, and so great by those who seek to carry their schemes through, we surrender all. If you follow the red rag in the title of the bill for oar the people will think you are opposed to liberty unless you pass the bill prohibiting millitary interference at elections the capture of power would he at a very cheap rate. Mr.

Edmunds then proceeded to analyze the bill, and said the preamble was contradictory of its body. The preamble declares that the presence of troops at the polls is contrary to the spirit of our institutions and the traditions of our people, and tends to destroy the freedom of elections," while the body of the bill declares that the troops may be present at tbe polls even on election days, in the manner and nnder the ciroum stances the constitution provides. If the preamble be true, the body Is false. Mr. Edmunds said, in reply to the Senator who had preceded him, that the Government does not enter a State.

It is in every fiber of the muscle of every man. He wished it 'f a in the hearts of all men of the republic. Tbe bill reflected the doctrines of those who supported it, namely, tbat this Government, nearly a century old, hoary with renown, after so long vindicating tin's right to exist, Bhould be treated as an extraneous neighbor, and sometimes as a friend or foe. I denounce such a doctrine. The army is in the end the power of the law.

Men have denounced the affirmative power of the constitution to regulate the election of members of the Houso of Representatives, and by sophistry they fritter away the traditious of the constitution, and deny the teachings of its ramers, and say there is no liberty unless it be obtained by the supremacy of State rights. Was there not a scheme on foot to prevent appeals from State to Federal courts, thus taking away the rights of citizens Where are you going to stop? I have seen within the last two or three days in thiB Chamber another step to deprive a portion of the people of their rights. I nave seen the majority of this body enter upon the consideration of a measure more violative of tradition, the Senate, the spirit of the constitution, and the safety of the republic, and designed to overturn the decision tbat gave to the Senator from Louisiana (Kellogg) his seat, in order that a different man may take his place. Do you, In mandatory manner, in your hour of triumph, intend to sweep away everything which the wisdom of our fathers achieved and the valor of their sons preserved The bill before us was the first step in that direction. There is somewhere in the constitution, unless we go into anarchy, a power which, in spite of threats, will stand as a bulwark against the effort to break down the constitution and laws, and when you recover from your emotions you will have the peace of which the act of 18(15 speaks.

But you will have peace at the polls only when yon recognize by deed as well as by wofd the political equality of all citizens, and the free right of lawfully voting under the law and for the law. It will not be the peace of the reign of terror and of the grave, bnt the peace of justice and liberty, asserted in a legal form for the expression of the public will, when bygones will be bygones, ana peace and harmony everywhere prevail. Mr. Blaine said: Mr. President, I want to make a single remark on the bill itself, if there is to be a veto npon it.

I desire simply to put a punctuation point in the progress of things as they are now going on, and tbat punctuation is to mark the high tide which the ancient doctrine of State rights is reaching in this Chamber and in tins Congress. This question has engaged the attention of the American fieopie for just about fifty years. It has bad ta ups and downs, its victories and defeats. It was strangled for a time by Jackson. It was dallied with by Van Buren.

It rose to its full strength under Polk and Pierce and Buobanan. It marshaled itself for a deadly struggle undor Breckinridge, and, if I mistake not, a majority of the members who sit on that side of the Chamber supported Breckinridge when he embodied that deadly heresy. In whatever there was in the issue between Calhoun and Jackson, that side of the Senate Chamber represents Calhoun. Whatever there was in the contest dividing the Demooratio party between Breckinridge and Douglas, that side of the Chamber represents all tbe evil there was in the policy of Breckinridge, and I desire here to affirm and point out tbat there never was before the Rebellion, there never was at any time in tbe history of this country, any such assertions of State rights, any such assertion of the mastery of the State Government over the Federal Government in its domain as is here asserted by the heirs lineal of Calhoun and of Brekinridge. I shall not debate this bill.

It were nnelees. It has been exhaustively debated. The whole measure is the removal of the Federal Government from its proper domain, and the installation of States into degrees of power that wore not dreamed of by Calhoun, and were not asserted by Breckinridge. We thoughtthere had been something gained in this question in a costly war and in the amendments to the constitution, bnt tho tide, as it now sweeps, is on the ebb, and the power of the Union, the power of the Fedoral Government, was never so weak an these laws and these proceedings will make it Pans this bill I While warning off the National Government from all interference or control of its own eleotions, you voted on the other bill a proposition that armed men shonld not come to the polls. You voted down on the other bill a proposition that armed men should not oomo to the polls with the expressed inten-of interfering with the rights of voters, and you did it under the paltry quibble that it waa not within the constitutional power of the United States Government to warn the bloody-handed rulliana from the polls where Itopresentatiros Si J- Like to the lightning from the sky, Or like a post that quick doth hie, Or like a quarter in a song.

Or like a journey three days long, Or like tbe snow when summer's come, Or like the pear, or like tbe plum-Even such is man, who heaps up sorrow, Lives but this dsy, and dies to-morrow. The lightning's past, the post must go, The song is short, the journey so, The pear doth roi the plum doth fall, The snow dissolves, and so must all. A BOW-STREET RUNXEE'S DANGER. I was ordered to take charge of a prisoner to be discharged the next day from one of the local jails, in which he had been undergoing a year's imprisonment for a criminal assault. The man had been let out on a ticket-of-loave from the Defense hulk at Woolwich, and had speedily, as it appeared, got into trouble down in the country.

As he was wanted" to complete his original sentence having broken his ticket-of-leave there could be no bother about apprehending him inside his prison, and using such precautions for his safo keeping as seemed best to my judgment. Just as I was about to leave the office in Bow street, one of my comrades with whom I was rather intimate came in, having finished a journey such as I was myself about to set off on. Going out, Tom? he asked; and, on my telling him where I was bound for, he continued Better have this Tom you may find it useful." At the same time he produced a small pocket-pistol, which be held out for my acceptance. I have not got any powder," he added; "but here are some caps and bullets." It seems needless to remark that this was before the days of revolvers and patent cartridges we had then to load in the old fashion, and had merely got as far as the introduction of the percussion cap. I had never before carried anything more deadly by way of protection than a life-preserver; but, as my friend seemed to mean a kindness, I made no ado about accepting his offer; and, having "capped" the pistol there and then, I consigned it to the side-pocket of a pilot-coat, which I wore buttoned over my uniform.

My journey down to Suffolk calls for no particular notice. In due time the railway deposited me at my destination, and left me with ample leisure to call npon the Governor of the prison over night, with a view to arranging for my carrying off my charge in the morning. I asked what sort of a customer I would have to deal with, and must confess I did not feel much encouraged by the reply. "He is what I would call a nasty customer," was the answer. "He has given us a deal of trouble while we have had charge of him; continually breaking prison rules, and more than once he has tried to commit suicide in the most determined manner by tearing open the veins in his arms with his finger nails." This account of matters was not, as may well be supposed, at all enlivening; and when the Governor added that the man was a perfect giant, and had been a navvy before he fell into evil courses, I began to fear that my work was cut out for me.

However, there was no help for it. We Bow-street runners had as fickle customers to deal with as any of your modern detectives. All I could do was to ask that the prisoner should be detained until I got over in the morning. I told the Governor where I had put up; but he did not seem disposed to offer me his company for an hour or two in the evening, and to me be hardly appeared the sort of a man I could ask in an off-hand way to take a friendly glass; so, my arrangements being thus far completed, I there and then left him. The inn where I had taken up my quarters stood right opposite the jail entrance, and, as the street was somewhat of the narrowest, the most complete view of all comers and goers could be commanded from the front of my temporary residence.

As my landlady knew the errand I had come on, and had a most becoming respect for tho representative of the law, she kindly accommodated me with her own private parlor a a sitting-room; and a very pleasant evening I spent in the company of the intelligent daughter of the house, business leaving her mother but little time to bestow upon me. Next morning found me seated at a very comfortable breakfast, and, the weather being fine, the window of the private parlor was opened, affording a perfect view of all tbat might take place at the prison door opposite. While I was absorbed in the good cheer before mo, I wus startled by an exclamation from bo an offense against the law unless catieu ior by and therefore upon permission of the au- thorities of the State in which the occasion arises. What is this but the substitution of the d'scroiion of tbe State Governments for the discretion of the Government of the United State as to tho performance of it own duties In my judgment, this is an abandonment of it obligations by ibe National Government a subordination of national authority and an intrusion of State supervision over national duties which amounts, in spirit and tendency, to Slate supremacy. Although I t.ilievcthat the existing idatutea rb abundantly adeq iate to completely prevont military interference with the elections, in the seuee iu which the phrase is used in the title of this bill, and is employed by the peoplo of this country, I shall find no difficulty in concurring in any additional legislation limited to thv object which does not interfere with the exercise of the powers of the Government and the constitution and laws.

(Signed) Rutherford B. Hayes. Executive Mansion. May 12, 1879. An Immense Cattle Biinche.

They have some pretty big farms out West, but the largest of them dwindles into comparative insignificance beside one which is just being established in Colorado. This is the consolidation of the Hermosilla and Huerfano cattle ranches in the southern part of that State into one immense stock farm, which will run along both banks of the Huerfano river, between forty and fifty miles, and cover something over one hundred thousand acres. P. T. Barnnm has been interest-, ed in the Huerfano ranche for about ten years, in company with a fellow-townsman of Bridgeport, named Sherwood, who put into the firm the knowledge of raising cattle while the showman furnished the cash.

They have made a very good thing of the speculation, but Sherwood finally wanted to extend operations through a stock company, and Barnum concluded to sell out. This was something over a year ago, and since then Sherwood has been working away till now be has joined William H. Vanderbilt, John B. Dutcher and some other capitalists with him in the Colorado Cattle Company, which combines the old. Barnum-Sher-wood property with the adjofning and much larger Hermosilla ranche, and proposes to go into the business on a bigger scale than was ever before attempted.

Barnum and Sherwood have had as many as five or six thousand cattle on their farm, but the new company expects to increase the number to at least fifty thousand. There's millions in it," according to Barnum, for the Bridgeport firm have raised oxen until they were ready for market at a cost of only $4 a head, and the expense of herders, which is the chief bill, will be proportionately diminished with, larger herds. Then, too, the new company will raise grain and fatten the cattle, which will make them worth $55 to 65 a head, instead of the $32 to $30 which Barnnm and Sherwood have got for theirs. Vanderbilt is expected to run his new enterprise in connection with his railroads, of course, and go into tho business of exporting beef on an immense scale. Altogether, it really seems to be a pretty big thing.

Philadelphia Time. Thb desire to return to the whippingpost is so st rong in Kentucky that in some counties candidates for the Legislature are compelled to pledge themselves to sustain tho measure or lose their chanoe of election, taken down. The official reporter read the words as taken down by him and as given above. Mr. Beck called upon Mr.

Chandler to name the men who held their seats by fraud and violence. Mr. Hill hoped the question would be dropped. Mr. Eaton said the remarks of the Senator from Michigan were insulting and out of order and called for a ruling of the chair.

The President pro tern, overruled the point of order. There being coneiderablesioonfusion in the Chamber, Mr. Davis (W. Va.) asked for the enforcement of the order both in the Senate and in the gallery. Oraer being restored, Mr.

Chandler resumed a follow: I think every Benator on this side of the Chamber believes that there are twelve Senators on that side who hold their titles to seat npon a alimmer, poorer basis than my honored friend from Louisiana. That is what I intended to state, tbat it was our belief, and it is my belief tbat their seats were obtained and are held by frand and violence. That is what now say. Bnt, Mr. President, I did not rice to discuss this questioa I simply rose to say to the other side you have your day in court Make the most of it Your time is short The people of the North have taken this question in hand from the Atlantio to the Pacific From one end of this land to tbe other the people are aroused and alarmed at the statements that have been made and action that have been taken in this Senate Chamber and fh the other Honse within the last sixty day.

Let me say to you, gentlemen on the other side of the Chamber, nunc mene lekel upKartin is written all over your brows. A Very Old Woman. There died in New Haven, lately, a colored woman named Elizabeth Hen-drickson, who claimed, and was supported by relatives and friends in her claim, that she was 113 years old. She was wjell known, and in 1876 she attended the Loan Exhibition of Belies, and was an object of curiosity to many people. There are no trustworthy records upon which to determine her age.

A man died not long ago at the age of 60 years, whom she said she nursed when he was an infant. She had been married three times, and had children by her first husband, but they died of old age some years ago. Her recollections she gave in incoherent and fragmentary talk, but she claimed to have helped, when 10 years of age, put out a fire in New Jersey caused by British soldiers during the Bevolutionary war. She was a small woman, and certainly had the appearance of very groat ago, Xbis answer seemed to disconcert both of them; but, as if byway of compromise, I at tho same time leant toward the window of the carriage for a moment, and glanced outside. My hearing is sharp enough now, but at the time I speak of was even more acute.

Just as I turned my head I heard, or fancied I heard, the man whisper the words, "Both together." Instantly the suspicion flashed across my mind that these words related to myself, and I turned round and faced the couple in a moment What I saw in the expression of each of tbem seemed to warrant my acting with immediate decision. I soized tho mau between his manacled wrists so that he could not raise has hands. With an in stinotive thought I 'plunged my right band into the pocket of my pilot-coat. tilled out the pistol my mate had anded me, cocked it with my thumb, and, holding it within a few inches of the face of the woman opposite, I looked steadily into her eyes, and said with emphasis: "If you attempt to stir bofore we reach tho next station you will certainly be a dead woman.".