Kansas National Democrat from Lecompton, Kansas • Page 1

WW A DEMOCRATIC WEEKLY JOURNAL -DEVOTED TO THE PEACE AND PROSPERITY OF KANSAS. AND THE PERPETUITY OF THE UNION, WHOLE NO. 122. LECOMPTON, DOUGLAS K. THURSDAY, DECEMBER 29, 1859.

VOL. mit this last great experiment of Confeder hostages I am not sure, sir, that an equal panic would not be created till the statute law, and which have already become standard books. Tbey are well arranged, contain a great deal of useful learning, and are written in a style more agreeable than is usual in our law books. During the last year he has been a great sufferer. Tboflgh his courage and cheerfulness never forsook him, it was easy see in his emaciated frame tbe traces ef distress.

In June, lis was taken to his mother's house in Stockbridge, there, as the result showed, to die in the home of his childhood. I saw him in October. As I sat by his bedsid nnd took his band for the last time, be said to me: "I don't think SYMPATHY WITH TH2 SOUTH wpx.iT pemokstratios is bostox 8PXICH OP EDWARD EVERETT. Boston, Thursday, Pec. 8.

The Union meeting it Fancuil Hall to-2ay waa presided over by ex-Governor Lincotn, agisted by 129 Vice Presidents, including four ex-Governors of the State, and fix Secret-nts. The principal business localities in the State were represented in the organization. The hall was patted in every part and many hundreds were unable to gain admittance. Rev. Mr.

Blagden, of the Old South Church, invoked the Divine blessing on the nation, the State and the audience assembled. The President ex-Gov. Lincoln made the opening address, in which he briefly alluded to the event which seemed to call for the present demonstration. Ten rsulutions were then read, the third of which is as follows Rttofccd, That we look with indignation tsd abhorrence upon the recent invasion of the Commonwealth of Virginia that however narrow or however comprehensive was the iniquitous scheme, in its instruments or its titration, it was an undisguised assault upon the pef welfare of th hole country through all Hs scenes of fire and sword, of lust and murder, of rapine and desolation, to the final catastrophe, I am filled with emotions to which no words can do justice. There could of course be but one result, and that well deserving the thoughtful meditation of those, if any such there be, who think tbat tbe welfare of the colored race could by any possibility be promoted by the success of such a movement, and who are willing to purchase that result by so costly a sacrifice.

Tbe colored population of St Domingo amounted to but little short of half a million, while the whites amounted to only 30,000. The white population of tie Southern States alone, in the aggregateoutnumber tbe colored race in the ratio of two to one in the Union at large in the ratio of seven to one, and if (which Heaven avert) thev should be brought into conflics, it could end only in the extirpation of the latter after scenes of woe (or which language is too faint; and for which the liveliest fancy has no adequate images of horror. Sueh being the case, some one may ask why does not the South fortify herself against the possible occurrence of such a catastrophe, by doing away with the one great source from which alone it ca spring Tbi is a question easily asked, and I am not aware that it is our duty at the North to answer it; but it may be observed that great and radical changes in the frame work of society involving the relations of twelve millions of men, will not wait on the bidding of an impatient philan thropy. They can only be brought about in the lapse of time, by the steady operation of physical, economical, and moral causes. Have those, who rebuke the South for the continuance of Slavery, considered that neither the present generation nor the proceeding one is responsible for its existence! The African Slave-trade wisdom ever achieved to meet as ono man and take counsel for its preservation.

It is this feeling that has brought me here to day. It will probably be said, sir, that those who entertain views like these exaggerate the gravity of the crisis. I wish I could think so. But I fear it is not we who exaggerate, but those who differ with us, that greatly and soon, I fear it will be, fatally underrate the ominous signs of the times. I fear, sir, that they are greatly misled by the one-sided views exclusively presented by the party Press, and those who rely upon the party Press exclusively for their impressions, and that they are dangerously ignorant of the state of opinion and feeling in the other great section of the country.

I greatly fear that the mass of the community, long accustomed to treat all alarm for the stability of the Union as groundless, all professed anxiety for its preservation as insincere, or, if sincere, the result of nervous timidity, have unfitted themselves to measure the extent and the urgency of the existing danger. It is my own deliberate conviction, formed from some opportunities of personal observation, and from friendly correspondence with other parts of the country (though I carry on none of a political nature,) that we are on the very verge of a convulsion, which will shake the Union to its foundation and that a few more steps forward, in the direction which affairs have moved for a few years past, will bring us to the catastrophe. I have heard it urged on former oeca-isons of public alarm, that it must be groundless, because business goes on as usual and the theatres are open, and stocks keep np. Sir, these appearances may all be delusive. The great social machine moves with a momentum that cannot be suddenly stopped.

The ordi-dary operations of business went on in France, in the revolution of 1789, till the annihilation of the circulating medium put a stop to everything that required its use. The theatres and all the other places of public amusement were crowded to madness during the reign of terror. The French stocks never stood better than they did iu Paris on the 21st of February, 1848. On the 25th of that month Louis Phillipe was flying in disguise from his capitol the Tuilleries were sacked, and the oldest monarchy in Europe had ceased to exist. I hold it to be time, then, sir, as I have No, sir, it wasan attempt todo on avast scale what was done in St.

Domingo in 1791, where the colored population is about equal to that of Virginia and if any one would form a distinct idea what such an operation is, let him see it not as a matter of vague conception a crude project in the mind of a heated fanatic, but as it is told in the sober pages of history, that record the revolt in that island; tha midnight burnings, the wholesale massacres, the merciless tortures, the abominations not to be named by Christian lips in the presence of Christian ears some of which, too unutterably atfo-cious for the English language, are of necessity veiled in the obscurity of the Latin tongue. Allow me to read you a few sentences from the historian of these events: In the too itself, the general belief for sometime was, that the revolt was by no means an extensive one, but a sudden and partial insurrection only. The largest sugar plantation on the plain was that of Mons. Galiif. situated about eight miles from the town, the negroes belonging to which had always been treated with such kindness and liberality, and possessed so many advantages, that it became a proverbial expression among the lower white people, in speaking of any good man's fortune, to say, it est hevreux torn-tne vn nfgre tie Gallifrl (he is as happy as one of M.

Gallifet's negroes.) SI. Odeluc, an attorney, or agent, for this plantation, was a member of the General Assembly, and being fully pursuaded that the negroes belonging to it would remain firm in their obedience, determined to repair thither to encourage them in opposing the insurgents; to which end desired the assistance of a few soldiers from the town guard, which was granted him. He proceeded accordingly, but on approaching the estate, to his surprise he found all the negroes in arms on the side of the rebels, and, horrid to tell, their ttandard trot the body of a white infant, vhich they had recently impaled to a itahel M. Odeluc bad advanced too far to retreat undiscovered, and both he and a friend who had accompanied him, with most of the soldiers, were killed withont mercy. Two or three only of the patrol escaped by flight, and conveyed the dreadful tidings to the inhabitants of the town.

By this time, all or most of the white persons who Lail been found on the several plantations, being massacred or forced to seek their safety in flight, the ruffians exchanged the sword for the torch. The buildings and cane-fields were everywhere set on fire; and the conflagrations, which were visible from the town, in a thousand different quarters, furnished a prospect more shocking, and reflections more dismal, than fancy can paint, or the powers of man describe." Such, Sir, as a mntter of history, is servile insurrection. Now let us take a clnnoe at the state of things in the South ate Kepublicanism to become a proverb and a by-word to the nations! No, fellow-citizens, no. This glorious Union shall not perish. Precious legacy of our Fathers, it shall tro down, honored and cherished, to our children.

Generations unborn shall enjoy its privileges as we have done, and if we leave them poor in all besides we will transmit to tbem ths boundless wealth of this blessing. Mr. Everett was followed by lion. Caleb Cushing. Death bt the Boa.

Theodore Sedgwick. iTEfrrryo of the bar speeches of kr. d. D. FIELD, HOX.

JCDUK P1ERKLF0AT, ETC. A meeting of the members of the New York bar and Judiciary was held yesterday in the United States District Court, for the members of the profession to express their sympathy at the death of the late Theo dore Sedgwick, late unuou oiaies Attorney for the Southern District of New York. Owing to the inclemency of the weather the meeting was not over crowded, but some of the prominent members of the legal profession were present, amongst whom we noticed Hon. Judges Betts, Roosevelt, (P. J.

Supreme Court,) Bos-worth. (Chief Justice,) Slosson, Pierre-pont, Woodruff, ex-Judge Whiting, Messrs. John Van Bufen, Girard, Noyes, Bradford. Hon. John McKeon, F.

Smytbe, Wm. M. Evarts, Lord, Vanderpool, Chatfield, United States Assistant District Attorneys Hunt and Dwigbt, Commissioners Betts and Morton, Messrs. etc The meeting was called to order by Mr. Evarts.

who nominated Beth B. Staples, as President, and their Honors Judfrts Betts and Roosevelt as Vice Presi dents. Carried. Mr. Evarts then moved that Messrs, John E.

Parsons and W. G. Russell be re quested to act as Secretaries. Mr. D.

Lord gave expression briefly to the very deep feeling which be experienced in the loss of an early and valued friend and after some appropriate remarks, offered the following resolutions for adoption: Resolved, That in the death of Theodore Sedgwick, we feel the loss to our profession of a learned, gifted and most worthy associ ate, and to 'lie public the loss of a distinguished citizen, true patriot, and faithful servant. Resolved, Thst his labors have reflected credit upon the literature of the law and the jurisprudence of our country. ttesoiveu, ibri in mourning wnai wouiu seem to us his untimely death, we console ourselves with the memory of his activity, his energy, his oonversation, bright intellect and gentle manners. Resolved. Tbat to the surviTine members of his family we rffer the expression of our deep sympathy in their bereavement.

Mr. D. D. Field, in seconding the reso lutions said Theodore Sedgwick, our deceased friend and brother, wns the third of an honored name. The first Theodore Sedgwick was Seaker of the House of Representatives in the Sixth Congress, and afterwards Judge of the Supreme Court of Massachu setts.

The second, after attaining distinction at the bar of this State, retired to his native town of Stockbridge, which he served in various public and in the Lerislature of Massachusetts did more than any other man to establish what was supposed to be a work of insuperable difficulty a railway along the gorges and over the summits of the Berkshire Moun tains binding together tbe capitals of the t.vo States, of wnich he was suecessivelv citizen, and making for him a monument as lasting as the rock on which it lies. The third has just been laid by the side of his father and grandfather the village cbtirchvard. Our friend was born at Al bany, in January, 1811. He graduated at Columbia College with the highest honors of his class. While in College he wrote, and shortly after published, a life of William Livingston, Governor of New Jersov during tho Revolution.

After that publication was completed, Mr. Sedgwick went to Europe, passed a year in France, attached to tbe American Legation to ward Livingston being then our Minister at the Court of Louis Phillippe. Returning to New i ork, he began the practice of law in May, 183o, and was actively engaged in it for fifteen years at first in partnership with that excel. ent man and accomplished lawyer, Rolert Sedgwick, and alon after his death. In 18o0 serious illness obliged biro to leave his business and go abroad Though he returned in a few months, he was never again able to engage in bis profession with his former vigor.

At tiroes, indeed, he felt so far restored as to promise himself a return to his professional activity, and was thus led, two years ago, to accept the office of District Attorney of tbe Uni ted States for this district; but the events show that bis spirit outran his strength. His constitution bad been undermined, and at last gave way. In very early life he had received an injury in his foot, from which he never entirely recovered. Not only the foot, but the leg and side became at times so painfully inflamed as to disable him from walking. He was, however, cheerful under it, remarking occasionally tbat if be had Dot this affl etion he supposed he should have had some other, and this, after might be a blessing in sav ing him from something worse.

He bad a hearty love for his profession and a taste for general literature. He read and spoke several hmguaaos, delighted in books, was familiar with the best authors, and cultiva ted tbe acquaintance of men of letters. Never forgetting that he was a citizen as well as a lawyer, be entered warmly into political qnestioDS, aud wrote much on po- iitical topics, ins contributions to tue Eieninj Foil, under the signature of Veto," attracted great attention and made for him a large political reputation. Wlstly tliinking that every lawyer owes a debt to his profession, he discharged hU own by two woiks, one on the measure of damage, and tbe other constitutional extent of the danger Was measured. Besides, sir, if the panic had been much more extensive than it was.

the panics of great and brave Communities are no tri fles. Burke said he could not frame an indictment against a whole people; it seems to me equally in bad taste at least to try to point a sneer at a State like Virginia. The French are reputed a gallant and warlike people, but the letters from the late war tell us tbat even after the great victory of Solferino, a handful of Austrians, straggling into a village, put a corps of the French army hoc sands strong to flight. A hundred and fifty men overturned the French monarchy, on the occasion to which I Lave already alluded, in 1848. Wheh Ihe circumstances of the case are taken into consideration, I suspect it will be agreed that any other community in the country, similarly sit uated, would have been affected in the same way.

A conflict of such an unprecedented character, in which twelve or fourteen persons on the two sides are shot down, in -the course of a few hours, ap pears to me an event at which levity ought to stand rebuked, and a solemn chill to fall upon every right-thinking man. I fear, sir, from the tone of some of the public journals, that we have not made this case our own. Suppose a party of desperate, misguided men, under a resolved and fearless leader, had been organized in Virginia, to come and establish themselves by stealth in Springfield, in ihis State, intending there, after possess-tng themselves at the unguarded hour of midoight of the National Armory, to take advantage of some local cause of disaffection, which led to a verv deplorable oc currence in this vicinity a few years ago,) to stir ud a social revolution tbat pikes and rifles to arm twenty-five hundred men had been procured by funds raised by ex tensive subscriptions throughout the South; that at the dead of a Sunday night the work of destruction bad begun, by shooting down an unarmed man who had refused to join the invading force; that citizens of the first standing were seized and imprisoned, three or four ethers killed; and when on the entire failure of the conspiracy its leaders had been tried, ably defended by counsel from his own part of the country, convicted and executed; that throughout Virginia, which sent him forth on his fatal errand, and the South generally, funeral bells should be tolled, meetings of sympathy held, as at the death of some great benefactor, and the person who bad plotted to put a pike or a rifle in the hands of twenty-five hundred men, to be used against their fellows, inhabitants of the same town, inmates of the same houses, with an ulterior intention and purpose of wrapping the whole community in a civil war of the deadliest and bloodiest type, in which a man's foes should be those of his own household suppose, I say, that the person who planned and plotted this, and with his own hand or tbat of his associates acting by his command, had taken the lives of several fellow-beings, should be extolled, cannonized, placed on a level with the great heroes of humanity, nay, assimilated to the Savior of mankind and all this not the effect of a solitary individual impulse, but the ripe fruit of a systematic agitation pursued in the South, unrebuked for years 1 What, sir, should we feel, think, say under such a state of things Should we weigh every phrase of indignant remonstrance with critical accuracy, and divide our murmurs with nice discrimination among those, whom we might believe, however unjustly, to be directly or indirectly concerned in the murderous aggression. Mr. Chairman, those who look upon the existing excitement at the South as factitious or extravagant have, I fear, formed a very inadequate idea of the nature of such an attempt as tbat which was made at Uarper's Ferry was intended to be, and would bave been, had it proved successful.

It is to want of reflection on this point that we must ascribe the fact that any civilized man, in his right mind, and still more any man of intelligence and moral discernment in other respects, can be found to approve and sympathize with it I am sure, if sueh persons will bring home to their minds, in any distinct conception, the real nature of the undertaking, they would be themselves amazed that they bad ever given it their sympathy. It appears, from his own statements, and those of his deluded associates, of his biographer, of his wretched wife, that the unhappy man who has just paid the forfeit of his life had for years meditated general insurrection in the Southern States; that he thought the time Lad now come to effect it; that the slaves were ready to rise, and the non-slaveholding whites to join tbem and both united were ready to form a new Commonwealth, of which the Constitution was organized and the officers chosen. With this wild, but thoroughly matured plan, be provides weapons for those on whose rising be calculated at Harper's Ferry; he seizes the national arsenal, where there was a supply of arms for a hundred thousand men, and he intended-, if unable to maintain himself at once in the open country, to retreat to the mountains, and from their fastnesses, harass, paralyze, and finally revolutionize the South. To talk of the pikes and liflea not beine intended for offensive purposes. simply absurd.

The first act almost of the party was to shoot down a free colored man, wLcm they were attempting to impress, at i who' fled from them. One might as well say that the rifled ordnance of Louis Napoleon was intended only for self-defence, to be used in case the Austrians should undertake to arrest his march. lam going to die; I feel that there is I if- in roe yet." Little did he think that on the second Sunday in December, as soon, as the first snow bad whitened the surrounding hills, he should be borne upon the shoulders of his friends to the burial place of bis family. For the great and last change he was not unprepared. Ha had led a good life; he bad faithfully discharged his public and private duties; he bad secured general respect; had acbieyed an honorable fame, and he looked upon death as tbe passage to a better life.

He had connected himself with the Episcopal church, and partaken of its sacrament. Conversing with his mother, in expectation of death, he said, "one agony, and then everlasting bliss." That ono agony was, however, in mercy spared him. In the last hours of life the pain which bad tormented him so long subsided he fell into a tranquil sleep, and sleeping, died. The curtain, which hangs before all mortal eyes, was softly lifted he passed gently through the inevitable gates, and is now on that road which never turns backward, and in the presence only of the indestructible and immortal. For us, his professional brothers, it remains to remember bis genial and manly temper, his peaceful culture, bis services nnd his example.

Judge Pierrepont said Mb. Chairmas asd Gextlemes or th Bar. '---It is some time since we have been called together on an occasion like this, but it is better to go to the house of mourning than the house of feasting. We need oftentimes the chastisements of affliction and these reminders of that which is to happen us all. There is a healthy sorrow by which the heart is made better and the soul strengthened for the duties and the trials of life, and which aids us to bear the burdens which are thrown on us ail.

In the heated conflicts of the bar passions and hostilities are engendered which an hour like this melts away, and real or imagined wrongs are forgiven here which might otherwise remain for years. It is well such meetings as this occur, and tbis is a fit occasion for a meeting of this kind. Wa have met to pay our last tribute of affection and respect to one of whom we all sincerelv deplore. In recent years I have known Theodore Sedgwick well. He was of a noble race of men, of distinguished ancestrv, of high moral and intellectual endowments, himself with the bearing, tha tone, the culture, the manners, tha truth, tbe frankness, the chivalry, the breeding, and the honor of a gentleman.

Like many who are supposed to be men of the world, and of whom the world knew not, he had the faith of a child in the Great Father. God. He believed that after this life there was another life, and that for those who were faithful in their calling, whatever that calling might be, unto the end, they waited a reward of a glory brighter than tha human eye can behold, and in pursuit of which he would not have turned aside to grasp tbe crown of an emperor. He died in the middle of life in the bloom of his manhood in the possession of bis honors he has left an honored nnd beloved name an unspotted reputation a proud heritage to his children an example worthy of all imitation. There were some touching incidents connected with his death that it is not improper to mention.

After spending his active life in the throbbing heart of this great city, and after visiting nearly every foreign land, lie died on tbe banks of that beautiful river where his childhood had played. He died in tha home of his fathers of many generations. He died where they were born, and the mother who bad watched him in his infant slumbers soothed him to bis eternal rest. I was startled at the announcement of his death in the court where I was the other day presiding, but I was much more startled' when the announcement of thnt death was made and there returned so freshly the last words which I bad ever heard him otter. The last time we met was at my country home, where we had leisure to talk over public affairs, in which we were both mutually and deeply interested, and about which his office bad given him many opportunities of knowing.

And as we parted, in reply to a remark of mine, that having gone upon the bench I should never take any part in public affairs, be replied with earnestness, and almost with a tone of prophecy-, "You and men of your aga will be compelled to take part in public affairs to save the land froui bloody anarchy." I never met him more; but when his death was announced in court bis words came back like an echo from the grave, that men would be called upon to save this land of ours from bloody anarchy. Yon will pardon me. Mr. Chairman and my brethren, when I say that for some two years this great subject has occupied deeply much of my thought, and that I have sought information from all the soureea of knowledgo within my reach- that it has more and more seemed to me snnous auu important question, and one not unfit to be mentioned here. I find that, from tha Chaldean shepherd to tbe mode! Emperor, nations have risen to power and grandeur, and have gona to decay that in the time of the Prophets the nation which He called "artree whose top did extend to the heavens and the branches to the end of tha earth," decayed and was swept from the earth; and from that time onward nations that we deeply sympathize with the people of Virginia in the trying scenes Which they have been called to pass through, and proffer them and their civil authorities, and those of the Federal Government, our unfailing countenance and support in the maintainance of the laws of the said lnnd and the public peace.

The sixth resolution reads Rtsoh td, That the unchangeable Union of these States is indispensable to the prosperity and glory of each and all, and even to our continued existence as a civilized and enlightened nation and that in league with our patriotic breth ren througout the Union, we solemnly pledge ourselves to uphold it with our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor. The seventh resolution declares fealty to the Constitution, and that we will faithfully and unreservedly carry out all its iblitrations and requirements. The eighth resolution declares that we will discountenance everything tending to prxluce alienation of feeling betwseu the North and South. The ninth resolution denounces the apoVgists for the late raid upon Virginia, and holds as guilty, before God and the country, those who induced it. Hod.

Edward Everett, who was hailed with every demonstration of respect and enthusiasm, was now introduced, and be pke as follows: SPEECH OF H0S. EDWARD EVEBETT. Mr. Chairman and Fellow-Citizens In rising to address you on this importaut occasion, indulge me in a few words of personal explanation. I did not suppose that anything could occur which would uiske me think it my duty to again appear on this platform, on any occasion of a political character; and bad this meeting been of a party nature or designed to promote any party purposes, I should not have been here.

When compelled, by the prostration of my health, five years ago, to resign the distinguished plnce hich I then filled in the public service, it was with no expectation, no wish, and no intention of ever agaiD mingling in the scenes of public life. I have, accordingly, with the partial restoration of my health, abstained from all rartieiration In political action of any kind; partly because I have found a more congenil, and, as I venture to think, a more useful occupation in seeking to rally the affections of my countrymen North and South, to the great name and precious memory which is left almost alone of all the oaajerous kindly association, which once bound the different sections of the country together; and also because, between the extremes of opinion that have long distracted and now threaten to crr.vulse the country, I find no middle pronnd of practical usefulness, on which a friend of moderate counsels can stand. I think I do a little good I try to in my waning years, in augmenting the funds of the charitable institutions commemorating from time to lime the honored dead and the great events of past days, and chieSy in my bumble efforts to rescue from desecration and vicissitudes of private property the home and the grave of Wasmxgton. These, sir, seem to me to be innocent and appropriate oc- I cupations for the decline of life. I am more than contented with the favor with which these, my humble labors, are regarded by the great majority of my countrymen and knowing by experience how unsatisfying in the enjoyment are the brightest prizes of political ambition, I gladly resign the pursuit of tbem to younger men.

Sir, the North and South, including the Northwest and the Southwest, bave become fiercely, bitterly arrayed against each other. 1 here is no place left in public life for those who love tbem both. The war of words of the Press, of the platform, of the State Legislatures, and, must I add, the pulpit has been pushed to a fnint of exasperation, which, on the slightest untoward accident, may rush to th bloody arbitrament of the sword. The great ancient master of political science (Aristotle) tells us, that though revolutions do not take place for small causes, they do small causes. He means, sir, that when the minds of the community have become hopelessly, embittered and exasperated by long-continued irritation, the slightest occurrence may bring on the catastrophe.

In fact, it seems to me we have reached a state of things which requires all good men and good patriots to forego for a time ail mere party projects and calculations, and to abandon all ordinary polities, issues; which calls, in a word, upon all who love the country and cherish the T' 1 thise blessings which we have till lately u.vru buu arsire iiia rnr.rinnrniA r.T enjoyed under the Constitution transmitted to by our Fathers, and which I regard as the noblest work of political was prohibited by act of Congress fifty-one years ago, nnd manv years earlier by the separate Southern States. The entire col ored population, with the exception, perhaps, of a few hundreds surreptitiously introduced is native to the soil. Their an cestors were conveyed from Africa In the ships of Old England and New England 'i hey now number between three and four millions. Has any person, of any party or opinion, proposed, in sober earnest, a practical method of wholesale emancipation I delieve most persons, in all parts of the country, are of opinion, that fre labor is steadily gaining ground. It would in my judgment, have already prevailed in the two northern tiers of the slnveholding States, had its advance not been unhappily retarded by the irritating agitations of the day.

But lias any person, whose opinion is entitled to the ler.st respect, ever undertaken to sketch out the details of a plan for effecting the change at once, by any legislative measure that could be adopted Consider only, I pray you, that would le to ask the South to give up one thousand millions of property, which she holds bv a title satisfactory to herself, as the first step. Then estimate the cost of an ade quate outfit for the of the emancipated millions; then reflect on the derangement of theent-re industrial system of the South, and all the branches of commerce and manufactures that depend on its great staples; then trie necessity of conferring equal political privileges on the emancipated race, who being free would be content with nothing les if anything less were consistent with our political system then tbe consequent organization of the two great political parties on the basis of color, and the eternal feud which would rage between them; and finally tbe overflow into the free States of a vast multitude of r.eedv and helpless emigrants, who, being excluded from many of them (and among others from Kansas) would prove doubly burdensome, were they admitted. Should ice, Sir, with all our sympathv for tho colored rape, give a very cordial reception to two or three hundred thousand destitute emancipated slaves! Does not every candid man see, that every one of these steps presents difficulties of the most formidable character difficulties for which, as far as I know, no man and no party has proposed a solution. And is it, sir, for the attainment of objects so manifestly impracticable, pursued. too, by the bloody pathways ot treason ann murder, that we will allow the stupendous evil which now threatens us, to come upon the country Shall we permit this curiously compacted body politic; the nicest adjustment of human wisdom, to go in pieces Will we blast this beautiful symmetric form paralyze this powerful arm of public strengib; smite with imbecility this great National Intellect! Where, sir, 0 where, will be the flag of tbe United States Where our rapidly increasing influence in the family of nations! Already ttiey are reicing in our divisions.

The last foreign journal which I have read, in commenting .1 II j1-11 uKn me eieni i iir-r upon it as something that "will compel us to keep the peace with the powers of Europe," and that means to take the law from tbem in our own international relations. I meant to have soken of the wreck-of that magnificent snd mutually beneficial commercial intercourse which now exists between tbe producing and manufacturing States on the hostile tariffs in time of peace and the habitually recurring border wars by which it will be annihilated. I meant to bave said a word of the Navy of the United States, and tho rich inheritance of its common glories. Shall we give up this! The memory of our Father of these happy days when tbe men of the North and South stood together for the country, on hard fought fields; when the Sonlh'sent ber Washington to Massachusetts, and New England sent her Greene to Carolina is all this forgotten "Is all tbe counsel that we two have shared all the ioint labors to found this great Repub- Jtc is this "all forgot Dd will we per nd good rast- ing aside all mere party considerations, and postponing at least all ordinary political issues, to pause to look steadily in the face the condition of things to which we are approaching, and to ask their own consciences whether tbey can do nothing to avert the crisis, and to bring about a happier and better state of things. I do not ask them to search the past for topics of reproach or recrimination on men or parties.

We have bad enough of that, and it has contributed materially to bring about our present perilous condition. In all countries where speech and the press are free, especjjdly those countries which by controlling natural causes fall into two great sections, each possessing indepen dent local legislatures and centres of opinion and influence, there will in the lapse of time unavoidably be action and reaction of word and deed. Violence of speech or of act, on the one side, will unavoidably produce violence of speech and ad on the other. Each new grievance is alternately cause and effect and if, before resorting to healing counsels, we are de termined to run over the dreary catalogue, to see who was earliest or who has been most to blame, we engage in a controversy in which there is do arbiter, and of which there can be no solution. But without reviving the angry or sorrowful memories of the past, let me, in 11 friendliness, ask the question, what has either section to gain by a dissolution of the Union, with reference to that terrible question which threatens to destroy it.

I ask patriotic men in both sections to run over in their minds the causes of complaint which they have, or think they have, in the existing state of things, and then ask themselves dispassionately, whether anything is to be gained, anything to be hoped, by pushing.the present alienation to that fatal bourne, from which, as from death, there is no return? Will the South gain any greater stability for bcr social system, any larger entrance into the vacant public Territories Will the North have effected any one object, which by men of any shade of opinion, extreme or moderate, is deemed desirable; on the contrary, will not every evil she desires to remedy be confirmed and aggravated If this view of the subject be correct, what can be more unwise what more suicidical than to allow these deplorable dissensions to result in a revolution, which will leave two great sections of the country in worse condition than it finds them with reference to the very objects for which they allow themselves to be impelled to the dreadful consummation. But I shall be toH, perhaps, that all this is imagination that the alarm at the South is fictitious, or, rather, a groundless panic, for which there is no substantial cause fit subject for ridicule rather than serious anxiety. But I see no signs of panic in Virginia, except for a few hours at Harper's Ferry, when in the confusion of the first surprise, and in profound ignorance of extent of the danger, the community was for a short time paralyzed. I am not sure that a town of four or five hundred families in this r- 2 7 I 1... gion, invaded at midnight by a resolute band of twenty men, entering the houses of influential citizens, and hurrying tbem from their beds to a stronghold previously occupied, and there holding them as ern States, co-members as tbey are with us in the great Republican Confederacy.

Let us consider over what sort of a population it is, that some persons among us think it not only right nnd commendable, but in the highest degree heroic, saint-like, god like, to extend the awful calamity, which turned St Domingo into a heap of Moody ashes in 1791. There are from three to four millions of the colored race scattered throuch the Southern and Southwestern States, in small croups, in cities, towns, villages, nnd in larger bodies on isolated plantations; in the house, the factory, and the field mingled together with the dominant race in the various pursuits of life; the latter amounting in the aggregate to eight or nine millions, if I rightly recollect the numbers. Upon this community, thus composed, it was the dcsiiiii of Brown to let loose the hell-hounds of a servile insurrection, and to bring on a struggle which for magnitude, atrocitv and horror would have stood alone in the history of the world. And these eight or nine millions, against whom this frightful war was levied are our fellow-citizens, entitled with us to the protection of that compact of Government, which recognizes their relation to the colored race a compact hich every sworn officer of the Union or of the States is lotind by his oath to sunnort! Among them, sir, is a fair proportion of men and women of education and culture of moral and religious lives and characters virtuons fathers, mothers, sons and daughters, persons who would adorn any station of society in any country men who read the same Bible that we do, and in the name of the same master kneel at the throne of the same God forming a class of men from which have gone forth some of the greatest and purest characters which adorn our history Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Marshal. These are tho men, the women, for whose bosoms pikes and rifles are manufactured in New England, to be placed in the hands of an ignorant subject race, supposed, most wrongfully, as recent events have shown, to be waiting only for an opKrtunity to use them.

Sir, I have on three or four different occasions in early life and more recently, visited allthe Southern and Southwestern States, with the exception of Arkansas and Alabama. I bave enjoyed the hospitality of the city and the country; I have had the privilege before crowded and favoring audiences, to bold np the character of tbe father of his country, and to inculcate the blessings of the Union, in the same precise terms in which I have done it here at home, and iu other portions of the land. I have been admitted to tue connaence oi the domestic circle, and I Lave seen there touching manifestations of the kindest feelings by which that circle, in all its members, high and low, master and servant, can be bound together; and when I contemplate the horrors have ensued bad the tragedy on which the curtain re at Harper Ferry, been acted out..